Ever since Burmese resistance leader Aung San Suu Kyi was released from her house arrest last year by the ruling military junta, I have been trying to understand why she hasn’t given the people of Burma any clear calls for acts of resistance. For Burmese people around the world opposed to the regime, she is an unparalleled source of spiritual authority. Lately, I’ve been thinking of this especially in light of her recent Reith Lectures, which were controversial for her statements that the movement may possibly have to be violent as well as nonviolent. Why would she say this? Is it a tactical threat to the regime? Or is it part of her grand strategy to embrace armed ethnic nationalities? Having been a part of the effort to rid Burma of its oppressors since the nationwide uprising in August of 1988, I took this as a shock. She hadn’t ever spoken quite like this.
The first thing to understand, I think, is that she’s addressing audiences both inside and outside of Burma—and mainly inside. In the lectures, she identified her cause with the full spectrum of dissidents—violent and nonviolent—thereby connecting with ordinary people, including the ethnic nationals, inside the country.
Right now, she’s walking a very thin line between the military and the pro-democracy movement. She could end up back under house arrest or in jail at any time if she does or says anything that causes people to mobilize or take action against the regime. She cannot speak directly to the people inside Burma to stage nonviolent acts. No domestic journalists would publish such a thing, for fear of censorship and imprisonment. The regime, however, allows her to speak with outside media for two reasons: first, there is tremendous international pressure to do so, and, second, ordinary people inside Burma will have a hard time even gaining access to them, much less use them to start a revolution.
Nevertheless, I believe she’s using speeches and interviews with foreign media to indirectly communicate with the people of Burma. But that isn’t to say that people inside the country are getting her message clearly. They probably don’t even realize that she’s talking to them. After seeing Daw Suu’s lectures at Reith multiple times, the question that came to my mind was this: how many people inside Burma are even aware of this, and how many actually got a chance to see or listen to her lectures? This is the only chance she has to speak freely to them.
To the outside world, she’s publicizing the poor conditions and challenges that dissidents and pro-democracy movement inside Burma have been facing since 1988. The majority of Burma’s 55 million people are barely surviving on under $1 a day, the country’s media is utterly controlled by the regime, and less than 2 percent has access to the (severely censored) internet. They have been gravely smashed by one of the most brutal, oppressive, and corrupt regimes in the world for many decades.
Meanwhile, she’s also reaching out to several generations of Burmese people inside the country, encouraging them to participate in this pro-democracy movement by following the paths of iconic and courageous dissidents and pro-democracy leaders. To this end, she took time to mention prominent leaders and members of the National League for Democracy, most of whom have been imprisoned multiple times, and spoke of the recent history of the NLD. This older generation stood against the regime and, despite all they’ve suffered, is still trying to. By invoking them, she’s reminding the Burmese people what resistance looks like, and that they should not be afraid to exercise their freedom. She discussed what drives a person to dissent, even knowing the sacrifices involved. She also spoke about the NLD youth who come to the office each day, reminding them that now it’s their turn.
And while she didn’t denounce the possibility of violence, she stressed that the movement’s true weapons are the fates of its people, and that their true armor is their passion—our passion. While she won’t disown those who have tried military options, what she calls for now is a movement built on something stronger than that.
With Daw Suu free again, and keeping in mind her reminder to keep working for freedom, I think it’s time for the Burmese pro-democracy movement to develop new kinds of tactics. We need to see the situation strategically, on a large scale, and formulate our tactics accordingly, rather than improvising actions on the fly. Daw Suu isn’t in a position where she can tell us what to do, specifically or directly. We have to figure it out for ourselves and act collectively.
There are many pillars that are supporting the military regime’s power in Burma, and we need to carefully and seriously study them, understanding their relationships and dynamics. More importantly, we need to find ways to educate and mobilize young people in Burma about this. How, at the individual and community levels, do we each help keep the regime in place? What can people do, both inside and outside Burma, to weaken its structure of support?
I have one idea, at least. Currently, I’m developing a project to bring thousands of low-cost radios to rural and remote areas in Burma, on which people can listen to broadcasts coming from overseas, thanks to networks like the BBC, VOA, RFA, and Democratic Voice of Burma. But there’s so much more that needs to be done. I hope that, for all the controversy it has caused, Daw Suu’s lectures will remind the people of Burma that the power is ours to take back.
I have one idea, at least. Currently, I’m developing a project to bring thousands of low-cost radios to rural and remote areas in Burma, on which people can listen to broadcasts coming from overseas, thanks to networks like the BBC, VOA, RFA, and Democratic Voice of Burma. But there’s so much more that needs to be done. I hope that, for all the controversy it has caused, Daw Suu’s lectures will remind the people of Burma that the power is ours to take back.
By Zin Linn,
Recently, Burma’s new government has released a number of statements indicating its willingness to reach settlement with ethnic armed-groups and political opponents, domestic and exile. Regrettably, those offers have been considered inconsistent.
According to the speech delivered by President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) U Thein Sein at the first Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) second regular session, he and his government has been gearing up to work with the international community.
For instance, the president said, “Our government has inherited traditional foreign policy which has never been harmful to international and regional stability and security and it is maintaining friendly relations with global nations. What’s more, we are trying to stand tall as a dutiful member of the global family in international and regional organizations. For this reason, we have officially proposed to take the ASEAN chairmanship in 2014. We are extending the hand of friendship to all global nations and all international organizations including the ASEAN.”
It is obvious that President Thein Sein’s government has set its sights on being allowed to hold the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, a year before the country’s next scheduled polls.
Although Thein Sein’s government seems to make softer its political stance against its opponents in recent weeks, it fails to do more tangible improvement. For example, the release of political prisoners and approval of settlements with ethnic armed-groups are still delayed as yet.
However, Thein Sein emphasized that his new government was working for “citizen rights.”
“We are ready to co-operate with the international community,” he underlined.
Even though, the Thein Sein government turns a deaf ear to calls for the release of political prisoners. Besides, the government repeatedly declares the National League for Democracy, led by Suu Kyi, an unlawful party.
In addition, Thein Sein told members of parliament that his government will pay attention to oppositions’ suggestions. He said the government has already prepared to talks on peace with armed ethnic groups since the progress of the frontier areas is dependent on stability.
But, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) has rejected an offer of new peace talks from the government. On August 18, the government proposed joining in peace talks towards ethnic armed groups. But, it was dumped by the KIO and the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), because the government uses merely bilateral meeting which really is a divide-and rule policy towards ethnic groups without considering the Panglong Agreement.
Lar Nan, Joint-General Secretary-2 of the KIO, said it will not talk bilaterally any more with the government since such negotiation failed in the past. Talks between the KIO and the Burmese government were also abortive in 1963, 1972, and 1980 respectively; they all failed to get to the bottom of the political standoff between the two sides.
Currently, KIO declared that it will talk through the ethnic alliance, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), keeping on the spirit of the Panglong Agreement.
On the contrary, the military-backed Burmese government announced its rejection of peace talks based on the principles of the 1947 Panglong Treaty to the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) on the weekend, according to the Kachin News Group. The government sticks to the 2008 controversial constitution as the guideline for the peace talks.
On August 15, in response to charges during August 12 press conference by information minister Kyaw Hsan, the Restoration Council of Shan State / Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) issued a statement urging all parties concerned to revitalize the 1947 Panglong Agreement signed by the Burmese leader Aung San and leaders of the (then known as) Frontier Areas, Shan Herald Agency for News said.
SSPP/SSA says in its statement, “Instead of regarding ethnic peoples as enemies and accusing them as subversive elements, it’s high time national reconciliation was being forget by the present authorities on the basis of equality, justice and the Panglong Agreement.”
The historic agreement basically guaranteed self-determination of the ethnic minorities and offered a large measure of autonomy, including independent legislature, judiciary and administrative powers. However, the dream of equality and a federal union is far from being realized some six decades after signing the Panglong Agreement.
Burma’s new Constitution, approved in a May 2008 referendum, is inundated with misleading principles. It says the country must be united under one military command. To bring the ethnic groups in line with this proviso, the military regime has ordered all armed rebel groups to become part of Burma’s border guard force ahead of the 2010 election.
Ethnic minorities have been suffering through five decades of brutal military operations in the name of national unity. Attacks on these rural civilians continue on a daily basis. There is a constant demand from Burma’s ethnic groups to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution must guarantee the rights of self-determination and of equal representation for every ethnic group in the Parliament. It must also include provisions against racial discrimination.
At the June-2004 National Convention, 13 ceasefire groups submitted a political proposal demanding equal access to the plenary session. But the convention’s convening committee dismissed the proposal as improper. When the 2008 Constitution came out, none of the political points proposed by the ethnic representatives were included.
There is a big gap between the military junta and the NLD led by Aung San Suu Kyi. To the military autocrats, allowing the ethnic minorities to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights is a hazard to national unity and sovereignty. To the NLD and ethnic alliance parties, granting equal rights to ethnic minorities will guarantee peace, stability and prosperity of the country.
In his latest speech, President Thein Sein said, “We know what happen to people and what people want. And we are striving our best to fulfill their needs to the full extent. To conclude my speech, I promise that our government as a democratically-elected government will do our best for the interests of the people.”
If the president really knows what people want, he should think about amending of the controversial constitution in which none of the political aspirations suggested by the ethnic representatives was integrated. If the current government truly committed to start political reforms, the first thing it should take into consideration is providing access to debate on constitutional flaws in the parliament.
Without a debate on the 2008 Constitution by all stakeholders, Burma will not win through its political catastrophe.
If the president wanted to do his best for the interests of the people, he should not be a dogmatist sticking to the unreasonable bill which will prolong the ongoing civil war
ျαα္αာ ျαα္ေျαာα္αိုα္း αα်α္ျαα္ αα္αΏαိဳαေαာ္ ျαα
္αΎαီးαား၊ αα်α္ αီးαα္α αα္αြα္ αα
္αုαြα္ ျαα္းα‘ားျαႇα့္ αုံးေαာα္αα္ ျαα္αာ α‘α
ိုးα α‘ာαာ αိုα္α်ား α
ီαံျαဳαုα ္αဲ့ေαΎαာα္း ေαααံ αာαα္αိွ αူα်ား ေျαာαα္။
TNT αုံး αα
္αုံးα‘ား αူαေαာα္ αα္αြα္ (Du Kahtawng) αα်α္ ႏွα
္ျαα္း ααα
္αာα္ αုαားေα်ာα္း ေαွαႏွα့္ αα္αြα္ α‘ုα္α်ဳα္ေαး αံုးα‘αီးαိွ αီးα‘ားျαႇα့္ α
α္αΎαီး (Transformer) αြα္ αα္ေαာα္ ေαα
α₯္ αα္αြα္ αုံျαဳံေαး αα္းαွ αΎαိဳαα္ ေαြααိွ αိုα္ျαα္း ျαα
္αα္။
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)αα္ αံαα္αိုα္း α αာαီαြဲ αα္ααြα္ α‘αα္ ααိ ေαာα္α်ား (α) α¦း αα္αြα္α‘ုα္ α်ဳα္ေαး αံုးαား αိုα္αα္ αα
္α
ီးαα္ αα္ααာ α‘αီးαွိ αီးα‘ား ျαႇα့္α
α္αြα္ αိုα္း αα္αα္ျαα္း ျαα
္αα္αု αိုα αα္αြα္ ααီးαα္း αာαα္α် αူα်ားႏွα့္ αီးα
α္ αူα်ား ေျαာαα္။
αံုးα‘αီး αိုα္αα္ႏွα့္ αူ αα¦းα‘ား ααα္း αာαα္α် αူα်ားα αααၤာ၍ αြားေαာα္αΏαီး α‘α်ိဳးေαΎαာα္း ေαးျαα္းαာ αိုα္αα္ αီျαα့္αα္ αα္αα္α ေαျαα္း ျαα
္ေαΎαာα္း ααာαို ျαα္αα္ ေျαာαိုαα္။
αိုαေαာ္ αိုေααာαြα္ αီαိုα္ααိွျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ αုံျαဳံေαးαα္းα်ားαွ ၎α‘ား ႏွα္αုα္αာ αီးα‘ားျαႇα့္α
α္αα္αွ αူαα
္ေαာα္၊ αα္αြα္αုံးαα္αွ αူαα
္ေαα္ αြα္αာαΏαီး αα္ေαေαာ αိုα္αα္αα
္α
ီးျαα့္ (α) ေαာα္ α‘ျαα္ေαာα္းေျαးαΎααα္αုαိုαα္။
ααီးαα္းေα
ာα့္αူα်ားα αီးα‘ားျαႇα့္α
α္αီ αြားေαာα္αΎαα့္αႈαာ αα္αα္ေαေαာ αိုα္αာαီးααိဳးα
α်ားႏွα့္ α‘αူ TNT αံုးααုံးαုိ ေαြααိွαα္αု ၎αိုα၏ေျαာျαα်α္α‘α αိααα္။
αα္းαိα
α₯ႏွα့္ αα္αα္αΏαီး αူαေαာα္ αα္αြα္α‘ုα္α်ဳα္ေαးαံုးαိုα αα်α္ααα္းαာααွ αα္αြα္ေαးျαα္းαဲ့αာ αုα္αွα္ေαΎαာα္းႏွα့္ αီးα‘ားျαႇα့္α
α္αΎαီးαြα္ေαာα္αားေαာαုံးα‘ား αΎααုα္ αα
၊ αΎαာααေαးေααα ျαα
္αΎαီးαားα‘ေျαα
ိုα္ ေျαာα္αိုα္းαိုα္းα
α
္αာαα်ဳα္ (ααα)αွ αိုα္αွဴးαα
္α¦း α¦းေαာα္αα့္ BE α‘αြဲααွ ျαဳα္αိုα္αα္αု αွα္းαα္းေျαာαိုαα္။
αုံးေαာα္αα့္ေααာαα္ αα္αြα္α‘ုα္α်ဳα္ေαးαံုးႏွα့္α‘αူ αα္αα္αြα္ αα္αြα္ေα
်းαΎαီးႏွα့္ αα်α္ႏွα
္ျαα္းααα
္αာα္ αုαား ေα်ာα္း αွိαာ αူα‘α
α္αားαုံး ေααာျαα
္αα္။
ျαα
္ααီးαားαΏαိဳα α‘αွα္ (α) αဲα
αα္းα‘ား αα်α္ααα္းαာααွ αα္αြα္ေαးျαα္းαဲ့αာ αα္းα‘ေαΎαာα္းα‘αာα‘ား αိαွိαိုαါα αဲα
αα္းαိုα αူαိုα္αိုα္αာေαာα္α
ံုα
α္းαါαα္ ျαα္αα္ေျααိုαဲ့αα္။
αα္း αေα‘ာα္ျαα္ေαာ αုံးαြဲα‘αΎαα္းαα္αုα္αα္αို ျαα္αာα‘α
ိုးααွ α
ီαံαုα္ေαာα္ျαα္းျαα
္αα္αု αα္αြα္ျαα္αူα်ား αα္ျαα္α်α္ေαးαါαα္။
ျαα္αာα‘α
ိုးαα αΎααုα္α (αα) αα္αြα္ αααα‘αΎαိα္ ααα္းα
ားαွα္းαα္းαြဲျαဳαုα္αΏαီး KIO α‘ား “ေαာα္းα်α္းαူα‘ျαα
္” ေαာ္ျααဲ့αα္။
ေαααံႏိုα္αံေαးေα့αာαူα်ားα ααုαုα္αα္αα္ αααΌαα¦းαိα္းα
ိα္ α¦းေαာα္ေαာ ျαα္αာα‘α
ိုးαα‘αြဲααα
္၏ α
ီαံα်α္ျαα
္αΏαီး KIO α‘ား “ေαာα္းα်α္းαူ၊ α‘αΎαα္းαα္ααားα‘ျαα
္” ျαα္αူα်ား αα္ေαာα္αα္αွား ျαα
္ေα
αα္αα္αြα္ αုα္αΎαံ αα္αီးျαα္း ျαα
္ႏိုα္ αα္αု αုံးαα္αα္။
Credit : Koko (KNG)
In a speech delivered in Napyidaw on Aug 17, Burma’s President Thein Sein said his government will allow exiles to return home and will consider leniency with respect to offenses other than murder. The Irrawaddy has collected the opinions of exiled Burmese regarding his offer.
Personally speaking, the reason I came out of Burma in the first place is to return home. But, there must be a change. For those who return, they must be the ones who will be able to contribute to the good of the society. As a journalist, I could be able to contribute to media development. So, I am ready to go home. I have been waiting for the chance to go home for more than 20 years. I am just living in Thailand, the closest country to mine, because I want to go back.The government has to create the right environment for all of us to go home. Will it release political prisoners? How much media persons like us will be able to work when we are there? I want to go back to my own country in a dignified way, not like I am going back to prison. We are concerned about the recent invitation by the President. What he said about exiles was not clear yet. But I hope the right time will come soon. That time the country should be quite stable and there must be a guarantee for those who plan to return. We are not criminals. I mean those who have been working for restoration of democracy and freedom in Burma. The government must initiate some sort of guarantee first. As human being, it is important for us to go home with dignity. There will be many things to do inside the country by applying knowledge and skills that we have learnt when we are in exile. So, I think all of us will eventually return if our country is peaceful and stable, and changes are being taken place.—Aung Zaw, Editor and Founder of The Irrawaddy MagazineNo Invitation is Necessary
First, the government needs to make already-started talks between its representative and Aung San Suu Kyi substantial, which should eventually lead to a genuine and fruitful political dialogue process. Second, it needs to stop its military offensives against ethnic nationalities and declare a nationwide ceasefire for internal peace. Third, its needs to release political prisoners, including Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, who have been imprisoned for their peaceful activities for restoration of democracy in the country. If those conditions are met, we can say that our country is marching firmly towards it path to democracy and peace. Under such circumstances, the government doesn't even need to invite exiles to come back. The recent invitation by the president wasn't clear. It was made without those conditions. It would be a different story if he made his announcement under those conditions. We didn't run away from our country. We just came out of it to work for bringing about democracy, human rights and internal peace in our country.—Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New SocietyChange Can only Come from Within
I am watching the situation. I will go back next month. It will be better for artists like us to exist inside the country as we have more audiences there. Changes for Burma can only come from inside the country. We can't make changes from exile.—Godzilla, comedianToo Soon to Think of Returning
We still can't consider going back home just because President Thein Sein said his government will consider leniency for us. The starting point for resolving Burma's current problems has yet to be reached, as long as our colleagues who remain behind bars for their beliefs are not released. Why did we leave our country? We did so because we believe that our country and people will only be in a situation conducive to peace and prosperity when there is no longer a dictatorship and we are able to establish a democratic system. The recent developments in Burma haven't met with any prospect that will help to realize our desire, so I would say that going home is still something we shouldn't think about.—Nyi Nyi Aung, former political prisoner and a current US citizen who was temporarily detained while visiting Burma last year.No Return without Reunion
I was glad to hear that the president invited exiles to come back. But things that happened in the past make it difficult for us to believe his offer. Burma's previous military leaders asked students who participated in a nationwide pro-democracy uprising in 1988 and left the country after the military coup in September of the same year to come back. What happened to those who returned? Some disappeared, while others were imprisoned. Their lives were gradually worn down. If the government wants us to go back, there must be a guarantee. Of course, we want to go home. We have been working for 23 years because we want to go back. Who wouldn't want to go home? There are two things in our hearts—to be back in the country, and to continue our fight for what we believe in a dignified way. We don't need business opportunities or political seats. However, if the government wants to invite exiles who were involved in the 8-8-88 [August 8, 1988] uprising, they should allow them to reunite with other members of the 8-8-88 family who are still languishing in different prisons for their beliefs. As long as part of our family is in prison, the rest of us cannot be completely happy. So release the political prisoners, including the '88 generation students. Stop civil war as soon as possible. Also, recognize our efforts for genuine change and bringing about human rights in our country.—Aung Myo Min, director of the Human Rights Education Institute of BurmaNot the Answer to Burma's Problems
Inviting exiled Burmese to come home is not the answer to all of Burma's political problems. To really solve the problem, the government must enter into a dialogue with opposition groups and ethnic forces. Even though the president said his administration will allow exiles to return home, government troops are still deployed in different ethnic areas and engaged in clashes with ethnic armies almost every day.—Naw Zipporah Sein, general secretary of the Karen National UnionImprove Lives of Burma's People First
If the government really wants exiles to come back, it needs to improve the lives of people living inside the country. There are now more than 2,000 political prisoners in Burma, and they must be released. The government must also cease its military offensives in ethnic areas. We will be able to trust the recent government offer only if it is accompanied by efforts to bring about internal peace.—Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, a student of economics in London and the eldest daughter of Mya Aye, a leader of the 88 Generation Students GroupReturn to be Silenced?
There is no way that we can go back inside the country and just keep our mouths shut. Even if we do go in, we will have to continue to protect local people, no matter which government rules or which companies come to invest. We have to work to bring more benefit to them. So I will only think about going home if I can fight for their benefit and what they deserve in terms of natural resources, environment and survival.—Wong Aung, coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement
No Welcome for Former Soldiers
If dissidents in a country are to be given amnesty, the constitution of that country has to be amended first and a new law should be promulgated. It may be easy for those who were involved in political activities to go back to Burma by pledging that they will keep themselves away from politics.But it will be difficult for the return of former military personnel who participated in anti-government protests. Existing military laws and tribunals at different levels have to be revoked in order for those soldiers to go back. I don't have any plan to go home unless there is a clear announcement by the government.—Myint Wai, a former member of the Burmese air force who is currently working with the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma.Just Another Fake AmnestyThe president said members of exiled opposition groups can go back to Burma while his government doesn't come up with any concrete plan to tackle the major issues the country faces. So we don't believe his nonsense words. It seems to me that his recent invitation was similar to his announcement of amnesty to prisoners in May, which in fact was only a one-year reduction of prison terms. It doesn't make much sense.—Aung Lart, a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the All Burma Federation of Student UnionsInvitation to a Tight Corner
If the government wants exiles to come back, it has to create the right environment for them to go home. It is very risky though. I mean, what are we going to do if we go back? Will we enjoy reunion with our mothers? Or will we go into business? It will be no problem if we only do those things. But if we plan to get involved in politics again or work for what we believe inside the country, we must ensure in advance that we will be able to do so. Otherwise, we will just end up being thrown into a tight corner. —Sein Win, managing editor of Mizzima NewsOnly if We Can Continue Our Work
The invitation was quite general. The president didn't say clearly which sector his government wants exiles to work for. Did he ask us to go back and work as NGOs? What kind of development was he taking about? Media development? Or did he ask us to come and get involved in social activities? Or will his government allow us to engage in political activities? The reason we left the country was to find ways to make it a better place. We didn't leave just so we could live abroad. I have been in exile for 23 years. I am not just sitting still. I have been working as much as I can for my country. If we are allowed to do the same inside the country, we will be more than happy to go home. But we won't go back if we are just asked to return and do nothing. We will continue our work from where we can. Actually, the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) has planned to move into the country if it is allowed to run there. We have already said that DVB is a public news media agency. —Toe Zaw Latt, DVB's Thailand bureau chief
We shouldn't go back. I want to say that we shouldn't believe the words of those who never keep their promises.—Ashin Zawana, former political prisoner and person-in-charge of the Mae Sot office of the International Burmese Monks OrganizationNo Hurry to Return to Prison
I spent almost 20 years in prison. There was no guarantee in the president's speech. Our colleagues are still in prison and the government has yet to release them. The previous government made a similar invitation. Many of those who believed the offer and went back home were arrested and thrown into jail. I am not ready to stay inside prison again. Although the new government is supposed to be a civilian one, most of its members are from the previous military regime. Also, there are no conditions conducive to democracy inside the country. As long as the 2008 Constitution is not amended, no democratic values will be realized in the country, so I still don't believe the president's recent offer to exiles. Even if I am asked to go back with a guarantee, I still won't return. I don't believe his government, as it only makes changes on paper and there is no actual implementation. So I still don't have any plan to go home. —Lin Thant, reporter for The Irrawaddy.
Credit: Irrawaddy News
Burmese and US banknotes are pictured in Rangoon. (Photo: AP)
As Burma's president, former general Thein Sein, acknowledges that the country's economy is struggling under the weight of multiple challenges, the question that is foremost on many minds right now is how his government will restructure a foreign-exchange regime that is fast becoming his administration's most pressing problem.
Since the beginning of this year, the Burmese currency, the kyat, has appreciated by more than 25 percent, putting severe pressure on the country's export sector and threatening any effort to restart the economy after decades of stagnation under direct military rule.
Currently sitting at around 750 kyat to the dollar, compared to more than a 1,000 kyat to the US unit a year ago, the exchange rate received a rare mention by a Burmese ruler last week, when Thein Sein, speaking to an audience of economists, businessmen and local aid organizations, said on Wednesday that the strengthening local currency is hurting the economy.
To reduce the burden on exporters, the government has cut export revenue tax on seven items—rice, beans and pulses, sesame, rubber, corn, marine products and animals and animal products—from 7 to 2 percent, and given them an exemption from commercial tax for a period of six months, from Aug 15 to Feb 14, 2012.
“We very much welcome the government's decision to provide a tax cut,” said Hla Maung Shwe, the vice-chairman of the Myanmar Fisheries Federation—adding, however, that with a loss in revenue of around 25 percent, “exporters are still feeling the pinch.”
There are several reasons for the appreciation of the kyat. Besides the declining value of the dollar worldwide, other factors include high oil and gas prices (Burma's biggest export is natural gas) and a spending spree by cronies of the military elite, who in the run up to this year's transition to ostensibly civilian rule used their massive dollar reserves to buy up property, gems and state assets.
The danger now, say experts, is that the exchange rate could reach a point where repatriated earnings from exports are no longer sufficient to cover the costs of production, inflicting huge losses on businesses that could force enterprises to shut down.
Another problem that could emerge is that locally manufactured goods could be squeezed out of the domestic market by cheap imports—something that would have far-reaching effects on an economy that has long been geared to self-sufficiency.
“The economic, social and political consequences of this chain of events could be serious,” wrote U Myint, a leading Burmese economist and the top economic advisor to Thein Sein, in a recent paper addressing the exchange-rate issue.
If any good has come of this situation, it is that Naypyidaw seems to be taking U Myint's warning to heart. The government recently told Burmese business leaders that it was preparing to change the official exchange rate, currently set at around six kyat to the dollar, and would soon terminate its use of Foreign Exchange Certificates (FECs), which are circulated in place of US dollars domestically.
Dumping an unrealistic and grossly inefficient system that has long distorted the country's economy is definitely a step in the right direction, but it is one that will require a degree of expertise that is completely lacking among the country's key decision makers.
That's why the government has turned to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for advice. This will first of all involve asking Naypyidaw to provide key macroeconomic data, such as foreign exchange reserves, balance of payments, national budget, money supply, and GDP—including its sectoral composition and growth rate—household income and expenditures surveys, foreign direct investment inflows, and foreign trade statistics.
There is little, however, that the IMF can do in practical terms.
Because Burma hasn't paid back its debts to multilateral financial institutions—and because the US wields effective veto power over the IMF—the country is barred from receiving and new financial aid.
That shouldn't matter, however, because Burma is believed to have abundant foreign exchange reserves (thanks to its sales of gas, gems and other natural resources), which it would need if it decided to simply float the kyat, discarding a fixed exchange rate that has long since ceased to have any relation to economic reality.
Floating the kyat “would require quite literally little more than the stroke of a pen,” according to Australian economist Sean Turnell, an expert on Burma's economy at Macquarie University.
In fact, introducing a floating currency would only be a matter of making official the informal system that has long been in place in Burma, where for decades most international transactions have been based on an unofficial exchange rate determined by market forces.
If the Burmese government allowed the kyat to float, it would reduce bureaucracy, increase economic freedom and hinder those elements that use the current exchange-rate arrangements as a vehicle for corruption.
The only danger, however, is that bringing a degree of common sense to Burma's exchange rate system could create the false impression that the country's economic problems can be solved without other, more fundamental changes.
“The exchange rate issue is important, but it's far from the most serious of Burma's economic problems, which have their roots in the lack of property rights, reasonable policy making, a voracious state apparatus, etc,” said Turnell.
According to a 2008 paper by Dr. Tin Soe, a former professor and head of a department at the Rangoon Institute of Economics, Burma's economy since the early 1960s, when the country first came under military control, has been characterized by “inconsistency, instability, interruption and discontinuation, rigidity and limited scope and vision, lack of transparency, unpredictability and uncertainty, quantitative physical targets-orientation, inefficient and ineffective implementation and use and abuse of consultancy and advisory services.”
In other words, if Thein Sein really wants to make a difference, his government will have to break half a century of bad habits. Floating the kyat would be a start, but it will take much more than this to clean out the Augean stables of Burma's economy.
Credit: Yeni - Irrawaddy News
α§αာααီαုိα္း ααၤာααΏαိဳααွာ αΎααုα္α αα αα္ေαα αα αုααΆαာαာαα္ေαြαဲα α‘α
α₯αာα္ αာαာαα္ေαြ α‘αΎαား α‘αုိα္α‘αα္α αα္းαာαႈ ျαα
္αြားαဲ့ေααα့္ αΏαိဳαေαααွိ αံαာေαာ္α်ားαဲα αΎαားαα္ ျαα္ေျααႈေαΎαာα့္ α‘ေျαα‘ေααာ ေα‘းေα‘းα်α္းα်α္း αΏαီးαုံးαြားαα္αုိα ααα္းααွိαါαα္။
α§αာααီαုိα္း ααၤာααΏαိဳα။ (image: wikipedia)
ျαα
္αုံαွာ αα αα္ α α αာαီαα္αα ααၤာααΏαိဳα α₯α်ာα₯္ေαာα္αα္ ααီေα်ာα္းα‘αီး αိုα္ျαα္αြα္းαα္းေαααွာ αုိα္αα္α
ီးαာαူ ႏွα
္α¦းαဲα α
α္αီးα
ီးαာαူ ႏွα
္α¦းαုိα αေαာ္αα αိαုိα္αိαာαေα α
αားα်ားαΏαီး αုိα္αα္ျαα
္αြားαဲ့αႈα α
αα္αဲ့αာαုိα α
ုံα
α္း αိαွိααါαα္။
α‘αα္းျαα
္αြားαာαွာ αါαα္αဲ့ α‘α
α₯αာα္αာαာαα္ ႏွα
္α¦းα α‘αီးαွိ ααီαဲ αα္ေျαးαြားαုိα αေα်αα္αဲ့ αူαα
ုα αာေαး၊ αα္αα္း၊ ေαႊαူ၊ α₯αာα₯္ေαာα္αα္αြα္ေαြα αူαုαုိ ေααေαာα္αΏαီး ααီေαွααွာ αြားေαာα္ α
ုαုံးαဲ့αα္αုိα αိααါαα္။ α်α္ျαα္αα္ေα ααၤာα ေαααံαα¦းα ..
“ျαα
္α
α₯္α α‘αႈαွα္ αေααေαါα္αွာ α
ိုးαုိα ေαာα္းαုိαဲဲ့αေαာαါ။ αိုα္αα္ျαဳαα္ αုα္ေαး၊ αα္α
ားေα်αα္αုိα αေαာα္αွ αေျαာαါαူး။ ျαα္αုိα္းαုိαေαာ့ αျαα္αူး၊ αုိးαဲ့ ααားαံ α
ေαာα္αံုးαို ေαာ္ေαး၊ α₯αေααဲαα‘αီ ေαာα္αြα္ေαးαိုα ααာαα္α ေαာα္းαုိαα္။ αူαိုαေαာα္းαုိαာαို αာαာေαး ေαါα္းေαာα္ေαါ့၊ ααီα ေαာ္ααီေαြααα္း αြα့္ျαဳαα္”
ααα္းေαါα္αံ α‘α်ိα္α‘αိ αူα
ု ααြဲαဲ့α‘αြα္ ααၤာααΏαိဳ ့αာααာ့αိαာα္ ေα်ာα္းαုိ္α္αွ αံαာေαာ္αွα
္αါး α¦းေαာα္αΏαီး αΎαားαα္ ေααၱာαα္αံαΎααိုα αα္းα‘ားααီး ααာαီαြဲαα္ααွာ αူα
ုαြဲαြားαα္αုိα αိαွိααါαα္။
“ေα‘းေα‘းα်α္းα်α္းαဲ ျαα္αြားαါαα္။ αα္းαα္းαားαား αာαာေαး α‘αိααုα္း αံုα
ံα်ိဳး ျαα
္ααြားαါαူး။ ααုိα္αဲαα္αြဲဲααွဴးαေαာ့ ျαႆαာျαα
္αဲဲ့ αα္ေα်ာα္းαွာ αα္αြဲαα‘α္α‘ား α‘ျαα့္αဲα αααံုး ေα
ာα့္ေααာေα့ါ”
α‘αα္းျαα
္αြားαႈေαΎαာα့္ ααၤာα ααုိα္αြα္းαွိ αဲα
αα္းေαြα αဲαα္αြဲααα္ေαြαဲ ့ααα (αα) α αα္αြဲααα္ေαြ ααၤာααΏαိဳααုိ ααြα္းα်α္း αာေαာα္αΏαီး αုံျαဳံေαး αူαားαα္αုိααα္း αိααါαα္။
Credit : RFA Burmese
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αီαြီαီ
αေα့ α©αုα္α αα αα္ေα့α ααၤာαျαို့αα္α ααီေα်ာα္းααုαို α‘αα္αား ααα ေαာα္ αိဳα္းαားျαီး αူαို့α‘αိုαွိαဲ့ αူႏွα ္α¦းαို αုα္ေαးαို့ ေαာα္းαိုαဲ့ ျαႆαာααု ျαα ္αြားαဲ့αါαα္။
αီျαႆαာαို ေαααုိα္αာ α‘ာαာαိုα္ေαြαဲ့ αံαာေαာ္ေαြα αα္ေαာα္ေျααွα္း αိုα္ααα္αို့ ေαααံαα¦းα ေျαာαါαα္။
αα αα္ေα့α ααၤာα α₯α်ာα္ေαာα္αα္αြα္၊ αိုα္ျαα္αြα္းαα္းαွာ αိုα္αα္ ေαာα္းαα္αာαူαα¦းαဲ့ α α္αီးα ီးαα္းαာαဲ့ αူαြα္ α α¦းαို့ αိαိုα္αိαာαေα α‘α်α္းα်ားျαီး αိုးαΎαိα္αဲ့ααို ႏွα ္α¦းα α‘αီးα ααီα‘αြα္းαို αြα္ေျαး αα္ေαာα္αါαα္။
ααီေα်ာα္းαα္းαဲ αြα္ေျαးαြားαဲ့ αူαြα္ α α¦းαို αုα္ေαးαို့ α‘αိုးαံαိုα္ααဲ့ αိုα ိα္αα္းαဲ့ ေαြα်ုိးαားα်α္းေαြα ααီျαα္ααေα ေαာα္းαိုαာαေα αူαု αိုαိုα်ားαာαာαို့ ေαααံαα¦းα ေျαာαါαα္။
“ααာα ီးαာαဲ့ αိုα္αα္αဲ့ αုαားေαး α ီးαာαဲ့ α α္αီး ျαိαာαေα αေαာα္αဲ့ αေαာα္ α‘α်α္းα်ားျαီး αုαားေαး ႏွα ္ေαာα္α αိုးαိုα္αာ။ αိုးျαီးေαာ့ αူαို့α ααီေα်ာα္းαဲ αα္ေျαးαာ။ αါαို α‘αိုးαံαိုα္ααဲ့αα္α ααားαံαို αုα္ေαးαို့ ေαာα္းαိုαα္းαဲ့ αူα‘ုα္α်ားαာေαာ့ ααိုα္α‘ုα္α်ုα္ေαးαႉး၊ ααိုα္αဲαα္αြဲ့αႉးαို့၊ ျαို့αα္α‘ုα္α်ုα္ေαးαႉးαို့ ျαို့αိ၊ ျαို့αေαြα αိဳα္းျαီးေျααွα္းေαးαΎααα္။”
α‘αα္းျαα ္α α္αွာ αိုးႏွα္ျαီး ααီαြα္းαα္ေαာα္αူႏွα ္α¦းαို ααီαာαα္αွိαူေαြ αွα္αားαα္αို့ α‘ျαα္αွာ ေαာα္းαုိαူေαြα αα္ျαα္ေααα့္ α‘ဲαီႏွα ္α¦းαာ ααီαဲαို ျαα္ျαီး α်α္αြα္ေαါα္αေα αြα္ေျαးαြားျαီး αα္αြα္ααုαွာ ေαာα္αွိေααာαို ေαာ္αုα္ αα္းαီးαိαာαို့ αိုαါαα္။
ααာαံႏွα ္α¦းαို αα္းαိα်ိα္αွာ αူα‘ုα္α αိုα်ားαာαဲ့α‘αြα္ ျαို့αူαု ေαးα ားααဲ့ αုα္းαΎαီးႏွα ္αါးα αα္ေαာα္ α်α္ေျαေαးαဲ့ျαီးေαာα္ ျαႆαာ ေျααα္αြားαဲ့αα္αို့ αူα αα္ေျαာαါαα္။
“ααာαံαို αဲα αα္းαွာ αားျαီးေαာ့ ျαို့αူαု ေαးα ားα့ဲ αααΌαိαာα္ေα်ာα္းαိုα္α ααα္းႏွα ္αါးαို α‘αူα‘αီေαာα္းααာေαါ့။ αူαုαို α်α္ေျαေαးαို့ေαါ့။ α‘ဲαါαဲ့ α¦းေααုαာαာ αိုαဲ့ α¦းαα္းααဲ αူα်ုိးေαး α‘αိααုα္းαိုαာ αျαα ္αα့္αဲ့αာ၊ αာαာ αိုးαြα္αႈαို αα္αိုα္αα္ αူαူα်α္း αα္αိႈးαားαာ αေαာα္းαဲ့ αိα α₯αို့αို့ αူေျαာαာαို αားေαာα္αါ။ αူαိွαိႈα္းေαးαါαα္αိုျαီး ααα္α‘ာαာαိုα္αိုαα္း α‘ျαα ္αွα္αို ေαာ္αုα္ေαးαို့၊ α₯αေαα‘α αိေαာα္α ြာ α‘ေαးαူαို့αဲ့ ααα္ααα္း ျαိα္းျαိα္းα်α္းα်α္းαဲ့ α α္းαα္းαွိαွိ ေαာα္ေαာα္ αါα်ုိး αျαα ္αို့ α‘αုα္αွα္းေαးαိုα္ေαာ့ αααာαီαြဲေαာα္αွာ αိα α₯ α‘ားαံုးျαီးαြားαα္။”
ααာေαာ္αဲ့ α‘αိα့္α‘αုိα္း αီျαα ္αα္αို α‘αα္αိုα္αံုး α်α္α်α္ျαα္ျαα္αဲ့ α‘ေαာα္α‘αα္ေαာ္ေα‘ာα္ αုα္ေαးαα္αိုαာαို ααိုα္αα္αြဲ့αႉးαုိα္αုိα္ေαာ ျαို့αα္α‘ုα္α်ုα္ေαးαႉး၊ α αα္းαႉးေαြααါ ေျαာαိုαဲ့αΎααဲ့α‘αြα္ ေα်ေα်αα္αα္αဲ့ ျαႆαာ ျαီးαံုးαြားαα္αို့αα္း ေျαာαါαα္။
α‘αိုးαံαိုα္ααဲ့ αိုα ိα္αα္းαာ ေαးαံုαွာ ေαးαုααႈ αံαူေαααာααြဲαα္ αα္αူαွ αα ံုααာ αိαိုα္αႈ ααွိαဲ့αါαူး။
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αီαြီαီ
αေα့ α©αုα္α αα αα္ေα့α ααၤာαျαို့αα္α ααီေα်ာα္းααုαို α‘αα္αား ααα ေαာα္ αိဳα္းαားျαီး αူαို့α‘αိုαွိαဲ့ αူႏွα ္α¦းαို αုα္ေαးαို့ ေαာα္းαိုαဲ့ ျαႆαာααု ျαα ္αြားαဲ့αါαα္။
αီျαႆαာαို ေαααုိα္αာ α‘ာαာαိုα္ေαြαဲ့ αံαာေαာ္ေαြα αα္ေαာα္ေျααွα္း αိုα္ααα္αို့ ေαααံαα¦းα ေျαာαါαα္။
αα αα္ေα့α ααၤာα α₯α်ာα္ေαာα္αα္αြα္၊ αိုα္ျαα္αြα္းαα္းαွာ αိုα္αα္ ေαာα္းαα္αာαူαα¦းαဲ့ α α္αီးα ီးαα္းαာαဲ့ αူαြα္ α α¦းαို့ αိαိုα္αိαာαေα α‘α်α္းα်ားျαီး αိုးαΎαိα္αဲ့ααို ႏွα ္α¦းα α‘αီးα ααီα‘αြα္းαို αြα္ေျαး αα္ေαာα္αါαα္။
ααီေα်ာα္းαα္းαဲ αြα္ေျαးαြားαဲ့ αူαြα္ α α¦းαို αုα္ေαးαို့ α‘αိုးαံαိုα္ααဲ့ αိုα ိα္αα္းαဲ့ ေαြα်ုိးαားα်α္းေαြα ααီျαα္ααေα ေαာα္းαိုαာαေα αူαု αိုαိုα်ားαာαာαို့ ေαααံαα¦းα ေျαာαါαα္။
“ααာα ီးαာαဲ့ αိုα္αα္αဲ့ αုαားေαး α ီးαာαဲ့ α α္αီး ျαိαာαေα αေαာα္αဲ့ αေαာα္ α‘α်α္းα်ားျαီး αုαားေαး ႏွα ္ေαာα္α αိုးαိုα္αာ။ αိုးျαီးေαာ့ αူαို့α ααီေα်ာα္းαဲ αα္ေျαးαာ။ αါαို α‘αိုးαံαိုα္ααဲ့αα္α ααားαံαို αုα္ေαးαို့ ေαာα္းαိုαα္းαဲ့ αူα‘ုα္α်ားαာေαာ့ ααိုα္α‘ုα္α်ုα္ေαးαႉး၊ ααိုα္αဲαα္αြဲ့αႉးαို့၊ ျαို့αα္α‘ုα္α်ုα္ေαးαႉးαို့ ျαို့αိ၊ ျαို့αေαြα αိဳα္းျαီးေျααွα္းေαးαΎααα္။”
α‘αα္းျαα ္α α္αွာ αိုးႏွα္ျαီး ααီαြα္းαα္ေαာα္αူႏွα ္α¦းαို ααီαာαα္αွိαူေαြ αွα္αားαα္αို့ α‘ျαα္αွာ ေαာα္းαုိαူေαြα αα္ျαα္ေααα့္ α‘ဲαီႏွα ္α¦းαာ ααီαဲαို ျαα္ျαီး α်α္αြα္ေαါα္αေα αြα္ေျαးαြားျαီး αα္αြα္ααုαွာ ေαာα္αွိေααာαို ေαာ္αုα္ αα္းαီးαိαာαို့ αိုαါαα္။
ααာαံႏွα ္α¦းαို αα္းαိα်ိα္αွာ αူα‘ုα္α αိုα်ားαာαဲ့α‘αြα္ ျαို့αူαု ေαးα ားααဲ့ αုα္းαΎαီးႏွα ္αါးα αα္ေαာα္ α်α္ေျαေαးαဲ့ျαီးေαာα္ ျαႆαာ ေျααα္αြားαဲ့αα္αို့ αူα αα္ေျαာαါαα္။
“ααာαံαို αဲα αα္းαွာ αားျαီးေαာ့ ျαို့αူαု ေαးα ားα့ဲ αααΌαိαာα္ေα်ာα္းαိုα္α ααα္းႏွα ္αါးαို α‘αူα‘αီေαာα္းααာေαါ့။ αူαုαို α်α္ေျαေαးαို့ေαါ့။ α‘ဲαါαဲ့ α¦းေααုαာαာ αိုαဲ့ α¦းαα္းααဲ αူα်ုိးေαး α‘αိααုα္းαိုαာ αျαα ္αα့္αဲ့αာ၊ αာαာ αိုးαြα္αႈαို αα္αိုα္αα္ αူαူα်α္း αα္αိႈးαားαာ αေαာα္းαဲ့ αိα α₯αို့αို့ αူေျαာαာαို αားေαာα္αါ။ αူαိွαိႈα္းေαးαါαα္αိုျαီး ααα္α‘ာαာαိုα္αိုαα္း α‘ျαα ္αွα္αို ေαာ္αုα္ေαးαို့၊ α₯αေαα‘α αိေαာα္α ြာ α‘ေαးαူαို့αဲ့ ααα္ααα္း ျαိα္းျαိα္းα်α္းα်α္းαဲ့ α α္းαα္းαွိαွိ ေαာα္ေαာα္ αါα်ုိး αျαα ္αို့ α‘αုα္αွα္းေαးαိုα္ေαာ့ αααာαီαြဲေαာα္αွာ αိα α₯ α‘ားαံုးျαီးαြားαα္။”
ααာေαာ္αဲ့ α‘αိα့္α‘αုိα္း αီျαα ္αα္αို α‘αα္αိုα္αံုး α်α္α်α္ျαα္ျαα္αဲ့ α‘ေαာα္α‘αα္ေαာ္ေα‘ာα္ αုα္ေαးαα္αိုαာαို ααိုα္αα္αြဲ့αႉးαုိα္αုိα္ေαာ ျαို့αα္α‘ုα္α်ုα္ေαးαႉး၊ α αα္းαႉးေαြααါ ေျαာαိုαဲ့αΎααဲ့α‘αြα္ ေα်ေα်αα္αα္αဲ့ ျαႆαာ ျαီးαံုးαြားαα္αို့αα္း ေျαာαါαα္။
α‘αိုးαံαိုα္ααဲ့ αိုα ိα္αα္းαာ ေαးαံုαွာ ေαးαုααႈ αံαူေαααာααြဲαα္ αα္αူαွ αα ံုααာ αိαိုα္αႈ ααွိαဲ့αါαူး။
(ααၩိα) ။ ။ ေαာαΎαာေαα αααα‘ααိα္ ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္ αုαိα αံုαွα္ α‘α
α္းα‘ေαးαြα္ ႏိုα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ား αြα္ေျαာα္ေαးႏွα့္ αα္αα္αα့္ α‘αိုαα္ αႊα္ေαာ္ ေαြးေႏြးαြဲα်ား α‘αြα္း ေαာα္αံ
ေαြးေႏြးαူ α‘α်ားαံုးααွိαဲ့αα့္ α‘αိုααုျαα ္αာ αα္αေαာ္αား αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ားαါ ααααံုးα‘ααိα္ αα္ေαာα္ေαာα္αံ ေαြးေႏြးαα့္ α‘αိုααုျαα ္αဲ့αα္αု ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္α်ားα ေျαာαα္။
αα္αα‘αြα္းα α်α္းααဲ့αα့္ αႊα္ေαာ္ α α္းေαးαြဲα်ားႏွα့္ ααု α်α္းααဲ αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘α α္းα‘ေαးα်ားαြα္ αα္αြα္းαဲ့αα့္ α‘αိုααုαို ေαာα္αံေαြးေႏြးαႈαွာ α‘αα္ α α₯ီးαွ α α₯ီး α‘αိαာ αွိαဲ့αα္။
αိုαေαာ္ ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္ α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္α αΎαာααေαးေαααြα္ αα္αြα္းαဲ့αα့္ “αံုαΎαα္α်α္ေαΎαာα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αံ ေαααူα်ားα‘αြα္ α‘ေαြေαြ αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္ αααΌααွ αုα္ျαα္ေαးေαး” α‘αိုαို ျαα္αူα αႊα္ေαာ္αြα္ ေαာαΎαာေααα ေαြးေႏြးαာ၊ αိုα္းαα္းαားαါαီα်ားαွ αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ား αာαα αα္αေαာ္αား α‘αα္α်ား၊ α ုα ုေαါα္း αα α₯ီး ေαြးေႏြး ေαာα္αံαဲ့αΎαျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ ေαာα္αံαႈ α‘α်ားαံုးααα့္ α‘αိုααုαု αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ားα ေျαာαΎααα္။
ေαြးေႏြးαူ α‘α်ားαံုးααွိαဲ့αα့္ α‘αိုααုျαα ္αာ αα္αေαာ္αား αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ားαါ ααααံုးα‘ααိα္ αα္ေαာα္ေαာα္αံ ေαြးေႏြးαα့္ α‘αိုααုျαα ္αဲ့αα္αု ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္α်ားα ေျαာαα္။
αα္αα‘αြα္းα α်α္းααဲ့αα့္ αႊα္ေαာ္ α α္းေαးαြဲα်ားႏွα့္ ααု α်α္းααဲ αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘α α္းα‘ေαးα်ားαြα္ αα္αြα္းαဲ့αα့္ α‘αိုααုαို ေαာα္αံေαြးေႏြးαႈαွာ α‘αα္ α α₯ီးαွ α α₯ီး α‘αိαာ αွိαဲ့αα္။
αိုαေαာ္ ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္ α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္α αΎαာααေαးေαααြα္ αα္αြα္းαဲ့αα့္ “αံုαΎαα္α်α္ေαΎαာα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αံ ေαααူα်ားα‘αြα္ α‘ေαြေαြ αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္ αααΌααွ αုα္ျαα္ေαးေαး” α‘αိုαို ျαα္αူα αႊα္ေαာ္αြα္ ေαာαΎαာေααα ေαြးေႏြးαာ၊ αိုα္းαα္းαားαါαီα်ားαွ αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ား αာαα αα္αေαာ္αား α‘αα္α်ား၊ α ုα ုေαါα္း αα α₯ီး ေαြးေႏြး ေαာα္αံαဲ့αΎαျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ ေαာα္αံαႈ α‘α်ားαံုးααα့္ α‘αိုααုαု αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ားα ေျαာαΎααα္။
ႏိုα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ား αြα္ေျαာα္ေαးႏွα့္ αα္αα္αα့္ α‘αိုαို αα္αေαာ္αား αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ား ααααံုးα‘ααိα္ αα္ေαာα္ေαာα္αံ ေαြးေႏြး (αါα္αံု ααα₯်ိα)
αα αာαိုα္ႏႈα္းေαα ုαွ αα္αေαာ္αား αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္α်ားျαα ္αα့္ αိုα္αႉးααီး ေαးαႈိα္၊ αိုα္αႉးααီးαα့္αα္း
αိုααွ α‘α်ဳိαေαာ αα္αေαာ္αားα်ားαα္ α‘ေαΎαာα္းα‘α်ဳိးα်ဳိးေαΎαာα့္ α‘αα္αα္ ααားαံုးαွ ျαα ္αα္α်ား α်αံαဲ့ααΏαီး αိုαူα်ားαα္ ႏိုα္αံα‘αြα္ α‘αုα္αုα္αဲ့αူα်ား ျαα ္ျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ αိုαူα်ားαါ αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္αြα္ αါαα္ေα αိုαα့္ α‘αြα္ α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္α၏ αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္ α‘αိုαို ေαာα္αံေαΎαာα္း ေαြးေႏြး αြားαΎααα္။ αေαααα္းαွာαα္ α‘α္းα ိα္ေαာα္αြα္း αံαါးαိα္ ααားαုံးα αိုα္ααီးေαာα္း ေαα်ဳိးαα္αို α‘ီαα္αေαာαα ္ α₯αေα α်ဳိးေαာα္αႈျαα့္ ေαာα္αα္ αα ႏွα ္α်αွα္αိုα္αα္။
αα္းαဲ့αိုα αα္αေαာ္αား αႊα္ေαာ္α‘αα္α်ား αါαα္ေαြးေႏြးျαα္းαွာ ααααံုး ျαα ္ေαΎαာα္းαα္း ျαα္αူα αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္ α₯ီးαိုα္ေαာα္αα္α αိုαα္။
“αါ αααα₯ီးαံုး ေαြးေႏြးျαα္းαဲ ေαြးေႏြးαဲ့αူေαြααα္း αိုα္αႉးααီးα‘αα့္ αွိαူေαြ αိα္αံုးαွာ αိုα္αဲ့
ႏွα ္ေαာα္ αုံαံαα္ α၊ α α‘ဲαီαွာαိုα္αဲ့ ႏွα ္ေαာα္α αေαြးေႏြးαြားαာ” αု ααၩိααို ေျαာαα္။
α₯ီးαိα္းၫႊα္α၏ α‘αိုαါ α‘αိုαို αိုα္းαα္းαား α α္းαံုးαီၫြα္ေαး αါαီ α‘αါα‘αα္ αိုα္းαα္းαား αါαီα်ား
ျαα ္αα့္ αွα္းαိုα္းαα္းαားα်ား αိုးαα္ေαးαါαီ၊ ααိုα္αိုα္းαα္းαားα်ား αိုးαα္ေαး αါαီ၊ ααံုα ေαα αါαီ၊ αြα္ေαααံုးαိုα္αာ αီαိုαေαα ီ αါαီ၊ α်α္းαိုးαα္ေαး αါαီα်ားαွ ေαာα္αံ ေαြးေႏြးαဲ့αΎααα္။
αα္းα‘ျαα္ α‘α်ဳိးαား αီαိုαေαα ီ α‘α္α‘ားα ု αါαီαွ αြဲαြα္αာ αါαီαα ္ေαာα္αဲ့αူ α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္α၏ α‘αိုαို α‘α်ဳိးαား αီαိုαေαα ီ α‘α္α‘ားα ုαါαီαွ α₯ီးα ိုးαα္းႏွα့္ ေαါα္αာ αα္းαα္းαိုααွαα္း ေαာα္αံαဲ့αΎααα္။ αိုαေαာ္ ααံ့αြံαα‘αα္α်ားျαα ္αα့္ α₯ီးα ံαα္းႏွα့္ ေαααဲ့αဲ့αα္းေαြαိုααွ αα္ααြα္ ေαြးေႏြးαဲ့αΎααα္αု αိααα္။
α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္α၏ α‘αိုαြα္ “αံုαΎαα္α်α္ေαΎαာα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αံေαααူα်ား α‘αြα္ α‘ေαြေαြ αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္ αααΌααွ αုα္ျαα္ေαးေαး” αု αံုးႏႈα္းαားျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ ျαα္αဲေαးαα္ααီး αုαိα αိုα္α်ဳα္ααီး αိုαိုαွ
ႏိုα္αံေαာ္ αααΌα α₯ီးαိα္းα ိα္αံ αα္αα္ αα္ျαေαးαα္ αႊα္ေαာ္ α₯αၠα αူαα₯ီးေαႊαα္းα ေααၱာαα္αံαဲ့αΏαီး αုαိုα္α်ဳα္ααီး αိုαိုα αααΌααံ αα္αα္ αα္ျαေαးαα္ ျαα ္αα္။
ႏိုα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ားႏွα့္ αα္αα္αα့္ α‘αိုαို α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္ααွ ααုα α αα္ေαααြα္ αႊα္ေαာ္αံုး αα္ျααားαဲ့αΏαီး၊ ααံ့αုိα္αြံααΏαိဳးေαး α‘αα္αα₯ီးျαα ္αူ αူαα₯ီးေα‘းျαα့္αွαα္း αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္ႏွα့္ αα္αα္αα့္ α‘αိုαို ααုα αα αα္ေαααြα္ αႊα္ေαာ္αံုးαိုα αα္ျααားαα္αု αိααα္။
ေαာαΎαာေαα αႊα္ေαာ္ ေαြးေႏြးαြဲα်ားαြα္ ႏိုα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ားႏွα့္ αα္αα္αα့္ αα္းα‘αိုαို
ေαြးေႏြးαူα်ားျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ αိုα‘αို ααုαα္းαာ ေαြးေႏြးႏိုα္αဲ့αΎααα္αု ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္α်ားα
ေျαာαΎααα္။
ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္၏ ေαးαြα္းα်ားαြα္ α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္ααွ ေαးျαα္းαα့္ ေαးαြα္းျαα ္αα့္ ααၤα္းαα½ြα္းαΏαိဳααα္αွ αူαုα္αူးαံααူ αα α₯ီး ႏွα့္αα္αα္αα့္ ေαးαြα္းαို α‘αုα္ααားαα္ααီး α₯ီးေα‘ာα္αΎαα္αွ αူαုα္αူးαႈ α်ဴးαြα္αူαု αူαααူ α₯ီးေα်ာ္ျαα့္αို αα္းαီးα α ္ေαးေααΏαီ ျαα ္ေαΎαာα္း ေျααα္။
αα္းα‘ျαα္ ေαွαေα α ာေαးαြဲα်ား ျαα္αα္ α်α္းααြα့္၊ αိုα္α α္ αိα္းαံααူα်ား α‘αြα္ ျαα္αုα္ေαးαα္ αွိααွိαို α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္ααွ ေαးျαα္းαာ ααားαူααီးα်ဳα္ α₯ီးαြα္းαြα္းα₯ီးαွ “ααားαံုးαွ αα္αွα္αားαα့္ α₯αေα αα/α α‘α ေαွαေα α α္းαα္း ααိုα္αာαူα်ားαို ေαွαေα αိုα္α α္ ျαα္αုα္ေαးαα္ ααွိαါ” αု ျαα္αα္ ေျααΎαားαဲ့αα္။
α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္α၏ ေαာα္αα္ေαးαြα္းααုျαα ္αα့္ αααα αြဲαα α္းαံု α‘ေျααံα₯αေααြα္ ααားαံုးα်ား ααါးαြα့္αΏαီး
ျαα္αူαေαွααြα္ ααားα ီαα္αα္ ေααျααားေαာ္αα္း α‘α္းα ိα္ေαာα္αြα္ α‘αူးααားαံုးα်ား αြα့္αာ ααါးαိα္ α α ္ေαးေαျαα္းαα္ α₯αေαႏွα့္ αိုα္αီαႈ αွိααွိ ေαးαα္αို ျαα္ေαာα္α ု ααားαူααီးα်ဳα္αွ α‘αူးααားαံုးα်ား αုα္αျαα္းαα္ αα္ေαα်ား ααားαံα်ား၏ αံုαΏαံဳေαးα‘α၊ αုα္αျαα္းျαα ္αΏαီး ျαα္αာျαα္αြα္ ααါးαိα္ α α ္ေαးျαα္းααွိαါαု ျαα္αα္ ေျααΎαားαα္။
αα္းα‘ျαα္ α₯ီးαိα္းၫြα္ααွ αေαၤာαားα်ား αားαြα္းαြα့္αွိααွိ ေαးαြα္းαို ေαးျαα္းαဲ့αာ α ီးαြားαူးαα္းαα္ααီး α₯ီးαα္းျαα့္αွ αိုααုα္αြα္းαုα္ α α္းαα္းα‘αိုα္း αုα္ေαျαα္းေαΎαာα့္ αေαၤာαားα်ား αားαြα္းαြα့္ ααွိေαΎαာα္း
ေျααα္။
ေαာαΎαာေαα α‘α်ဳိးαား αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘α α္းα‘ေαးαြα္ α‘α်ဳိးαား αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္ α₯ီးαα္αိα္αα္α αားαα္αေαααွိ ေα်ာα္α ိα္းα်ားαို ေααွα္ α αα ္αα် αိα္းαိα္း αူးေααေαးα‘αို αα္αြα္းαာ α‘α်ဳိးαား αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္α်ားα‘ားαံုး αေαာαူαα္αံαဲ့αΎααα္။
α₯ီးαα္αိα္αα္၏ α‘αိုαို ααၱဳαြα္းαα္ααီး α₯ီးαိα္းαိုα္α ျαα့္α ြα္ ေαြးေႏြးαာαြα္ α‘αိုαါ ေααα‘αြα္းαွိ
ေα်ာα္α ိα္းαုα္αြα္α်ားαို ေαွ်ာ့αα္ျαα ္αာ αိုα္းαα္းαား α‘αα္αံ ααုα္αူα်ဳိးα်ား၏ αုα္αα္းαြα္α‘αြα္း ααီးα ိုးαႈα်ားαိုαα္း α ိα α ္αြားαα္ αွိαα္ေαΎαာα္း ေျααΎαားαα္αု α‘α်ဳိးαား αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္ α₯ီးαုα္းျαα့္ေα‘ာα္α αိုαα္။
“αုα္αြα္ေαြαို ေα်ာ့αါαα္ α α္ေαြαဲα αူးαာေαြαα္း ေαွ်ာ့αါαα္၊ αိုα္းαα္းαား α‘αα္αံαΏαီးေαာ့ ααုα္ေαြ ααီးα ိုးေααာေαြαိုαα္း αα္αိုα္αာ αα်α္ျαα္αα္ α‘α ိုးαေααΏαီးေαာ့ α αα ္αα် α α ္ေαး αါαα္ ေαααံေαြ α₯ီးα ားေαးαဲ့ α αα ္αို α်α့္αံုးαα္ α‘ဲαီαိုေျαာαါαα္” αု α₯ီးαုα္းျαα့္ေα‘ာα္α ααၩိααို
ေျαာαα္။
αα္းα‘ျαα္ α‘α်ဳိးαား αႊα္ေαာ္αြα္ α‘αုα္ααားαα္ααီး α₯ီးေα‘ာα္αΎαα္αွ α‘αုα္ααားα်ားႏွα့္ αα္αα္αα့္ α₯αေααူαΎαα္းαို αα္αြα္αြားαΏαီး α‘αိုαါαူαΎαα္းαို αာαα့္αααၤာေαααြα္ αႊα္ေαာ္αွ αα္αα္ ေαြးေႏြးαα္ ျαα ္αα္။
α₯ီးေα‘ာα္αΎαα္၏ α₯αေααူαΎαα္းαြα္ α‘αုα္ααားαααၢα်ား αြဲαα α္းႏိုα္αα္၊ α‘αုα္ααားα်ားαွ αေα်αα္α်α္α်ား αွိαါα αα္αိုα္αာ၏ α‘α ီα‘α α₯္ျαα့္ αႏα΅ျααြα့္ႏွα့္ α‘αုα္αွα္ α‘αြဲαα‘α α္းα်ား αြဲαα α္းေαး α αα့္α‘α်α္α်ား αါαα္ေαΎαာα္း α₯αေααူαΎαα္းαို αα္αြα့္ααူ α₯ီးαုα္းျαα့္ေα‘ာα္α αိုαα္။
α‘α်ဳိးαားαႊα္ေαာ္၏ ေαာαΎαာေαα α‘αိုα်ားαြα္ α‘α်ဳိးαား αႊα္ေαာ္ α‘αα္ α₯ီးαα္ေαႊ၏ ေαααာေαး
ျαα္αα္αα္αွα္ေαးαα္ α‘αိုαို αααၤာေαααြα္ ေαြးေႏြးαα္αွိαΏαီး α₯ီးαα္ေαႊ၏ ေαာα္αα္ α‘αိုααုျαα ္αα့္ ααီးαြား αုα္αα္းα်ားαို αုိαα္ႏွα့္ ααီးαြားαုα္αα္းαို αα္ααီးαာααွ α₯ီးα ီးαႈααွိαဲ αα္ααီးαာααွ αုαၢိဳα္α်ား α‘αါα‘αα္ αုαၢαိα αုα္αα္းαွα္α်ားႏွα့္ αြဲαα α္းαα္ α‘αိုαိုαα္း αႊα္ေαာ္αွ α‘αα္ျαဳေαးαဲ့αα္။
ေαာαΎαာေαα αႊα္ေαာ္α်ားαို αံαα္ αα αာαီαြα္ α αα္αΎααာ၊ ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္αα္ αြα္းαြဲ αးαα αြα္ αΏαီးαံုးαΏαီး α‘α်ဳိးαားαႊα္ေαာ္αα္ αေα αးαα αြα္ αΏαီးαံုးαα္။ αႊα္ေαာ္ ႏွα ္αα္αα္ α ေα၊ αααၤေႏြαြα္ ေααၱ αα္αားαα္ျαα ္αာ αααၤာေαααြα္ ျαα္αα္ α αα္αα္ျαα ္αα္
Credit : (ααၩိα)
Members of Myanmar's army-dominated parliament have called for an amnesty for political prisoners after a UN envoy called for the release of prisoners of conscience.
The regime, which came to power after controversial November elections, appears keen to improve its image and recently held the first talks between democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein Photo: AFP/GETTY
A proposal for a general amnesty was raised in Burma's lower house on Friday.
"They firmly hope that the president would make (an) assessment and release an order of amnesty," the New Light of Myanmar reported.
The plight of around 2,000 political prisoners, many of whom are serving double-digit jail terms, is a key concern of the international community, along with other human rights abuses and democratic reforms.
It is the first time that serving military members of parliament have taken part in a discussion of a general amnesty since a nominally civilian government took over in March. A quarter of seats are reserved for the army.
The regime, which came to power after controversial November elections, appears keen to improve its image and recently held the first talks between democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein, a former general.
But the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, said serious concerns remained as he concluded a visit to the country on Thursday.
The UN envoy, who visited Yangon's notorious Insein jail during his five day trip, voiced fears over allegations of torture during detention and the use of prisoners as porters for the military.
"Of key concern to me and the international community is the continuing detention of a large number of prisoners of conscience," Mr Quintana said.
In a move that rights groups said was woefully insufficient, Burma reduced all current jail sentences by one year in May and commuted the death penalty to life imprisonment.
Amnesty International said that political detainees are imprisoned using vague laws that criminalise peaceful political activists.
They are held in poor conditions and moved to jails far from their homes and families.
Opposition leader Suu Kyi was freed from seven years of house arrest in November shortly after the election, Myanmar's first in 20 years.
Mr Quintana, who also held talks with the Nobel laureate last week, urged Myanmar's parliamentarians, many of whom shed military uniforms to contest the election, to hold "open and inclusive debates on issues of national importance".hare1
Credit :http://www.telegraph.co.uk
By Zin Linn>>
Human Rights Special Rapporteur Mr Thomas Ojea Quintana on his Burma tour from 21 to 25 August separately met Union Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann, National Parliament Speaker Khin Aung Myint, Union Chief Justice Tun Tun Oo, Chairman of the Union Election Commission Tin Aye, Union Minister for Home Affairs Lt-Gen Ko Ko, Union Minister for Defence Maj-Gen Hla Min, Union Minister for Foreign Affairs Wunna Maung Lwin, Union Minister for Labour and for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Aung Kyi, Union Attorney-General Dr Tun Shin and Deputy Chief of the Police Force Police Brig-Gen Zaw Win.
The explanation of Union Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann to the UN Envoy was published in the New Light of Myanmar on Thursday.
“As Myanmar (Burma) is a member of the international community, it has embraced the opportunities to address democracy and human rights cases like the global community. Though, every country has different processes from other countries based on own culture, custom and historical background. As the Human Rights Special Rapporteur reviewed, Myanmar is on the correct path to democracy and will continue to march along the correct path,” Thura Shwe Mann said.
He also said, “Necessary laws will be ratified to make sure that Parliament representatives serve the public interest or bring about the people’s fundamental rights, democracy and human rights without party attachment, localism, racism and regionalism. So, the existing laws will be under review to abrogate and amend inconsistent ones and endorse new ones. Only then will multiparty democracy rights will do well in future. The power to issue writs has been grant to bring democracy and rights to the people. The government, judicial bodies, service personnel and the people will abide by the enacted laws through the check and balance.”
He also said that Parliament representatives know that armed conflicts due to misunderstanding among national races do not bring any benefits to the nation. Hence Parliament committees include the Committee for National Races Affairs and Internal Peace in addition to the Committee of Fundamental Rights, Democratic Rights and Human Rights of Citizens.
He said that the Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee has been formed to handle legal affairs in an effective way. The Parliament committees carry out tasks inside Parliaments, so it is safe to say that the tasks are carried out by the public. The report on progress in addressing land confiscation cases will be submitted to the Parliament session, and the government’s Guarantees, Pledges and Undertakings Vetting Committee will watch and see, he explained.
Union Parliament Speaker wants the Human Rights Special Rapporteur to prevent the acts of certain countries and organizations that trouble Myanmar (Burma) and the people at a time when Myanmar and the people are working together for democracy and human rights.
Finally, Thura Shwe Mann said, Myanmar (Burma) will accept and appreciate Special Rapporteur’s suggestions, people’s stances and international community’s suggestions. Moreover, the Human Rights Special Rapporteur can watch what Myanmar is working for democratization, Speaker Thura Shwe Mann said.
Even though, the UN envoy called on Burma Thursday to immediately probe human rights abuses, saying serious concerns remained regardless of signs of progress under the new questionable civilian government.
He also expressed concern about the condition in ethnic conflict areas, including attacks against civilians, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest, the recruitment of child soldiers and forced labor.
Mr. Quintana’s visit followed key opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi met with President Thein Sein last week. It was a top-level talk with the government’s chief since her release in November, after a controversial election. Quintana also held talks with Suu Kyi during his most up-to-date trip.
Quintana has not been issued a visa to visit Burma since March 2010, when he suggested forming of a commission of inquiry. Quintana last visited Burma in February 2010 but was not allowed to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at the time. His consequential requests to revisit Burma have been refused.
In yesterday AFP News, Mr. Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma said, “This is a key moment in Burma’s history and there are real opportunities for positive and meaningful developments to improve the human rights situation and bring about a genuine transition to democracy,”
According to him, the new government has taken a number of steps towards transition to democracy. However, many serious human rights questions are still to be addressed. He has been repetitively calling for the release of Burma’s estimated 2,000 political prisoners.
KIA αα်α္αြα္ေျαာα္ေαး αα္αြဲααဲα α‘α
ုိးα αုိα္α
ားαွα္αုိα ျαိα္းα်α္းေαး α‘αြα္ ေαြααုံေαြးေႏြးαဲ့ေααဲ့ α‘αုα‘α်ိα္α‘αိ αိα်αဲ့ α‘ေျα αααွိေαးαါαူး။ αီα‘ေαာα‘αြα္း αΎααုα္α αα αα္ေαα ααα္းα
ာαွα္းαα္းαြဲαွာ KIA/KIO α‘αြဲαα ႏွα
္αα္ ျαိα္းα်α္းေαး αေαာαူαီα်α္ေαြαုိ ααုိα္αာαဲ α်ဳိးေαာα္αဲ့αα္αုိα ျαα္αΎαားေαးαα္αΎαီး α¦းေα်ာ္αα္းα ေျαာαါαα္။ αααα αုႏွα
္ αΎααုα္α α αα္ေααα KIA αα်α္αြα္ေျαာα္ေαး αα္αြဲααဲα α‘α
ုိးα αုိα္α
ားαွα္αုိα ေαြααုံα်ိα္αွာ KIA α ေαးျαα္းαဲ့αဲ့ αာαα ျαိα္းα်α္းေαး α‘αြα္ α‘α
ုိးαα αα္αုိ α‘αိααΈါα္ αြα့္αုိျαီး KIA αုိ αα္αုိ αေαာαားααဲ αုိαဲ့ ေαးαြα္းα‘ေαα α‘α
ုိးα αုိα္α
ားαွα္αဲα ေျααΎαားα်α္ေαြαုိ ေαာα္ႏွဳα္ αα္ျααားαါαα္။
(Part-1)
(Part-2)
(Part-3)
Credit :netmedia
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Credit : RFA Burmese
(Part-1)
(Part-2)
(Part-3)
Credit :netmedia
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Credit : RFA Burmese
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is quoted as saying "President Thein Sein really wants change" - according to Bangkok Post.
But what really is President Thein Sein in Burma's military-controlled political system?
Remember President San Yu? Sure the Revolutionary Council (1962-74) and Burma Socialist Programme Party (1974-1988) all of which were Ne Win's creatures - were not the "elected" Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (correct name?). But the Army is the backbone of this new Than Shwe creature.
This new creature with Thein Sein as its face and nominal leader may end up devouring its Creator, just as the BSPP self-destruted and brought Ne Win down from the throne, by default.
But so what? The biological clock is ticking for Than Shwe anyway.
What about the Army's Class rule? What about the military-sponsored Bama colonalism towards non-Bama ethnic communities?
Some say retired Burmese diplomat and economist U Myint, U Thant's grandson Thant Myint-U, the regime's hired mouth Nay Win Maung, etc. are "backing the President". But how?
What are these new presidential gurus and mouthpieces going to do when, not if, the real generals move against the President (and all his men)?
And what is the future of the NLD as the flagship opposition?
We now have the flagship opposition which no longer considers itself "opposing the dictatorship" (albeit in new clothing), nor pursues power sharing arrangement", according to NLD leader U Win Tin.
Is the NLD, legal or illegal, is morphing into a National Pagoda Trust (Gaw Pa Ka) or prisoners of conscience (POC)-Rescue mission?
I wouldn't worry about the military ruling the country resistance-free or reforming the State successfully. The economy is its Achilles Heel and the militarized State has neither intellectual capacity nor political will to turn itself into anything workable.
Represssion and resistance will go hand in glove. The ethnic resistance cannot be wiped out, even after some centuries. Just look at the Balkans, Southern Thailand, or Northern Ireland. For the Bama resistance against the State, it has not stopped since 1958.
Whether or not it has succeeded is irrelevant. The point is the Burmese conflicts will continue on, destroying any prospects for peace or prosperity for the little men and women on the street.
This is all familiar to the Burmese familiar with the country's past.
Dr Zarni (m.zarni@lse.ac.uk) is Visiting Fellow, Department of International Development, LSE in United Kingdom.
Dr Zarni (m.zarni@lse.ac.uk) is Visiting Fellow, Department of International Development, LSE in United Kingdom.
Viewing cable 04BRUSSELS4013, EUROPEAN COMMISSION CONCERNED ABOUT ROHINGYA
| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 04BRUSSELS4013 | 2004-09-21 12:02 | 2011-08-26 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Brussels |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.UNCLAS BRUSSELS 004013
SIPDIS
SENSITIVE
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREF PREL BG BM EUN USEU BRUSSELS
SUBJECT: EUROPEAN COMMISSION CONCERNED ABOUT ROHINGYA
REFUGEES
¶1. (SBU) Summary. The European Commission (EC) is concerned
about the plight of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh,
including the lack of adequate educational opportunities for
refugee children. Those living outside official refugee
camps without official status are at greater risk. The EC
would provide significant funding if the GoB agreed to allow
the local integratation of the Rohingyas. End Summary.
¶2. (SBU) On 9/10, PRM Assistant met with EC officers -- DG
RELEX Administrator for Southeast Asia and Uprooted Peoples
Thomas Gnocchi and DG RELEX Bangladesh desk officer Ana
Beatriz Martins -- to discuss the Rohingya refugees. Martins
spoke at length about the living conditions in both the
official camps and the "unofficial" Teknaf camp. According
to Martins, conditions in the official camps are relatively
good. However, he noted that the exceedingly low levels of
education in the camps have become a focus of concern.
Gnocchi said that the Bangladeshi government requires lessons
to be taught in Burmese so as to keep the ties alive and
encourage future return. Since there are few teachers who
speak the required language, many refugee children are not
receiving satisfactory schooling and their future is in
jeopardy.
¶3. (SBU) The "unofficial" camp in Teknaf, on the other hand,
is facing more immediate difficulties and hardships. "The
living conditions in Teknaf," stated Martins, "are abysmal."
Unfortunately, the peculiarities surrounding their situation
merely serve to complicate their eligibility for aid. Many
of its residents have unknowingly lost their status as
refugees, often as a result of failed attempts to repatriate
to Rakhine State. Martins added that as a result the
Bangladeshi government recognizes them not as refugees, or
even as former refugees, but as illegal immigrants.
¶4. (SBU) With the help of the UNHCR, the EC is pushing for
the implementation of a self-sufficiency program that aims to
increase accessibility to educational and vocational
training. Thus far, the Bangladeshi government has neither
endorsed nor denounced this program. This is significant
considering the continued hard-line approach by the
government to the plight of these refugees. Gnocchi noted
that the Rohingyas, numbering 19,500 persons, comprise a
small fraction of the overall migration problem. He added
that Bangladesh has the capacity to absorb this rather small
group, but refuses to for fear of igniting a mass movement of
refugees. Martins acknowledged the legitimacy of such fears,
but stated that they could be avoided if a low profile was
maintained. Gnocchi added that the EC is willing to offer
significant development projects in the region if local
integration were accepted as an option by Bangladesh.
¶5. (SBU) In response to the current stagnation surrounding
the plight of these refugees, the EC is in the process of
redefining its vision for Bangladesh, according to Martins.
They plan to pursue deeper discussion on the issue with
Member States under the Dutch Presidency. Martins added that
the current turmoil plaguing the region both heightens this
need and frustrates any possibility of resolving the issue.
Martins and Gnocchi inquired about future coordination with
the U.S. on this issue.
ႏုိα္αံေαာ္ αα္αΏαိα္ေα‘းα်α္းαႈαို α‘ေႏွာα့္α‘αွα္ αျαဳေαΎαာα္း ေαα်ာαα့္ α‘α်ိα္α်αွαာ ႏုိα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ားαို ျαα္αႊα္ေαးαα္αု α‘α်ိဳးαားαႊα္ေαာ္ α₯αၠα α¦းαα္ေα‘ာα္ျαα့္α αုααααၢ αူαα‘αြα့္α‘ေαး α‘αာαွိ αα
α₯αာ ေαာαα္α
္ α‘ုိေαး αα္αားαားႏွα့္ ေαျαα္ေαာ္၌ ေαြααုံα
α₯္ ေျαာαုိαုိα္αα္။
αα္αုα္ ααၤαာαံု α‘ျαα္ျαα္αုိα္αာ ေααိα္αြα္ αα
α₯αာ ေαာαα္α
္ α‘ိုေαး αα္αားαား ααα္းα
ာαွα္းαα္းαြဲ ျαဳαုα္α
α₯္ (αာα္αံု - α§αာααီ)
ααုα‘α
ုိးααα္ αေαာαားေα်ာ့ေျαာα္းေαΎαာα္း၊ ႏုိα္αံေαာ္၏ αုα္α‘ားα
ုα်ားαုိ α‘αုံးα‘αႈံးαံαΏαီး α‘α်α₯္းေαာα္αဲ αα့္αားျαα္းα်ိဳးα‘ား αα္αα့္α‘α
ုိးαααွ် ျαဳαုα္αုိαα္ ααုα္ေαΎαာα္း၊ ႏုိα္αံေαာ္ αα္αΏαိα္ေα‘းα်α္းαႈαုိ α‘ေႏွာα့္ α‘αွα္ αျαဳေαΎαာα္း ေαα်ာαα့္ α‘α်ိα္αြα္ α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ားα‘ား ျαα္αα္αႊα္ေαးαα္ ျαα
္ေαΎαာα္း αα
α₯αာαα္αားαား၏ ေαာα္းαုိα်α္αုိ α¦းαα္ေα‘ာα္ျαα့္α ေျααΎαားαα္αု αေαααုα္ ααα္းα
ာα်ားαြα္ ေαာ္ျααားαα္။
αα
α₯αာαα္αားαားαα္ α‘α်ိဳးαားαႊα္ေαာ္ α₯αၠα α¦းαα္ေα‘ာα္ျαα့္ႏွα့္ αီးျαားေαြααုံαဲ့ျαα္းျαα
္αα္။
αုααααၢ α‘ေαြေαြ α‘αြα္းေαးαႉးα်ဳα္ α‘αါα‘αα္ αိαိႏွα့္ α‘ာαီαံႏုိα္αံα်ားα α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ား αႊα္ေαးαα္ αုိα္αြα္းေαΎαာα္း၊ ေααေα‘ာα္αα္းα
ုαΎαα္α‘ား αိα္းαိα္းαားαႈαုိ αုα္αိα္းαΏαီးေαာα္ ႏုိα္αံα‘αြα္ α‘α်ဳိးαွိေα
αα့္ ေαြααုံေαြးေႏြးαႈα်ား ေαာα္αြα္ေααα့္ αα္းαူ αျαားαူα်ားα‘ား αႊα္ေαးျαα္းျαα့္ α‘αားαူ α‘α်ိဳးαα္ေαာα္αႈ αွိαα္αု αုံαΎαα္ေαΎαာα္း αα
α₯αာαα္αာαားေျαာαုိαα္αု ေαးαားαားαα္။
αုိαα‘ျαα္ α‘α္းα
ိα္ေαာα္αိုα αြားေαာα္αΏαီး ႏုိα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαား αုိαီαီαြα္း၊ αုိαΏαိဳးေαေα‘ာα္ α‘αါα‘αα္ α‘α်α₯္းαားႏွα့္ α‘α်ဳα္αား α α¦း၊ α‘α်α₯္းαူ α α¦းαိုααုိαα္း ေαြααုံαဲ့αα္။
αα
α₯αာαα္αားαားαα္ ααα္ေααα ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံαွ ျαα္αα္αြα္αြာαဲ့αΏαီး ααြα္αြာαီ αα္αုα္ααၤαာαုံေααိα္αြα္ ααα္း α
ာαွα္းαα္းαြဲ ျαဳαုα္αဲ့αာ ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံ၏ αူαα‘αြα့္α‘ေαးႏွα့္ αα္αα္၍ α‘α
ုိးαα‘ား ααုαα္αုိαုိ αုα္ေαာα္αα္ αုိα္αြα္း αားαα့္ ေαΎααာα်α္αေα
ာα္ αုα္ျαα္αဲ့αα္။
αုိေαΎααာα်α္αြα္ ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံ၌ ျαα
္αႈα်ဴးαြα္αα္αု αံαααွိαူα်ားαို α
ုံα
α္းα
α
္ေαးေαα
α₯္ α‘ေαာα‘αြα္း αုိα္ႏွα္ျαα္း၊ αိα္α‘αၤါα‘αါα‘αα္ αႏαΆာαုိα္၏ αα်ိဳα α‘α
ိα္α‘αုိα္းα်ားα‘ား αီးαႈိααာ ႏွိα္α
α္αႇα₯္းαα္းျαα္း၊ αာαα်α္း ျαα
္ေαα
α₯္ ေαးαါးαုααႈ αုံေαာα္α
ြာαေαးျαα္း၊ α‘α
ာေαα
ာျαα္ေαာα္ျαα္း၊ α‘ိα္α
α္ျαα္းαြα့္ αေαးျαα္းα်ားαွိေαΎαာα္း၊ αုိαα‘ျαα္ α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ားαုိ α
α
္αα္၏ ေαααာα‘ျαα
္ α‘αααΌ αုα္α‘ားေαးαုိα္းေα
ျαα္းα်ားαα္း αွိေαΎαာα္း α
α
္ေαးေαြααွိααα့္α‘αြα္ α
ုိးαိα္αα္αု ေαာ္ျααားαα္။
αα
α₯αာ αα္αားαားαα္ ျαα္αူααႊα္ေαာ္α₯αၠα αူα α¦းေαႊαα္း၊ ျαα္ေαာα္α
ု ααားαူααီးα်ဳα္ α¦းαြα္းαြα္းα¦း၊ ျαα္ေαာα္ α
ု ေαြးေαာα္αြဲေαာ္ααွα္ α₯αၠα α¦းαα္ေα‘း၊ ျαα္αဲေαး αα္ααီး αုαိα αုိα္α်ဳα္ααီး αုိαုိ၊ αာαြα္ေαး αα္ααီးαာα αα္ααီး αုိα္α်ဳα္αွαα္း၊ ႏုိα္αံျαားေαး αα္ααီး α¦းααα°ေαာα္αြα္၊ α‘αုα္ααားαα္ααီးαာαႏွα့္ αူαႈαα္αα္း၊ αα္αα္ေαးႏွα့္ ျαα္αα္ ေααာα်αားေαး αα္ααီးαာα αα္ααီး α¦းေα‘ာα္αΎαα္၊ ျαα္ေαာα္α
ု ေαွαေαα်ဳα္ ေαါα္αာαြα္းαွα္၊ ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံ αဲαα္αြဲα αုαဲα်ဳα္ ေαာ္αα္းαုိαႏွα့္αα္း αီးျαားα
ီ ေαြααုံαဲ့ေαးαα္။
ျαα္ေαာα္α
ု ααားαူααီးα်ဳα္ α¦းαြα္းαြα္းα¦းႏွα့္ ေαြαုံα
α₯္ αα
α₯αာαα္αာαားα αုံαΎαα္α်α္ေαΎαာα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αံေαααူ α်ားαိα
α₯αုိေျαာαုိαာ၌ α¦းαြα္းαြα္းα¦းα ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံαြα္ αုံαΎαα္α်α္ေαΎαာα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αံေαααူ ααွိαဲ ျαα
္αႈα်ဴးαြα္၍ ျαα
္αα္ α်αံααူα်ားαာ αွိေαΎαာα္း ျαα္αα္ေျαာαုိαα္ αု ααα္းα
ာαြα္ ေαးαားαားαα္။
ျαα္αဲေαး αα္ααီး αု αုိα္α်ဳα္ααီး αုိαိုααα္း αုံαΎαα္α်α္ေαΎαာα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αံααα့္ α‘α်α₯္းαား αုိαူα်ားαြα္ αူးαα
္ ေαးαါးαႈ၊ αူαα္αႈ၊ αုံးေαာα္αြဲαႈ၊ ေαာα္းα်α္းαူα်ား၊ αျαားျαα
္αႈα်ားႏွα့္ α‘α်α₯္းα်αူα်ား αါαα္ေαΎαာα္း၊ ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံαြα္ α‘α
ုိးααα
္ ေααေαါα္αΏαီးေαာα္ αααΌα α¦းαိα္းα
ိα္α αြα္αΏαိα္းα်α္းαာαြα့္ ေαးαဲ့αΏαီးျαα
္ေαΎαာα္း၊ α‘αါα‘ားေα်ာ္α
ြာ αြα္αΏαိα္း α်α္းαာαြα့္αုိ αα္αα္ေαးαြားαα္ ျαα
္ေαΎαာα္း αα
α₯αာαα္αာαားα ေျαာαုိαα္αုαα္း αိααα္။
αုααααၢ αူαα‘αြα့္α‘ေαး α
ုံα
α္းα
α
္ေαးαူ αα
α₯αာ ေαာαα္α
္ α‘ုိေαး αα္αားαားαα္ αΏαီးαဲ့αα့္ αΎααုα္α αα αα္ေααα ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံαုိα ေαာα္αွိαာαΏαီး α‘α
ုိးαα‘αြဲααα္α်ား၊ ျαα္αာ့αီαုိαေαα
ီေαါα္းေαာα္ ေααေα‘ာα္αα္းα
ုαΎαα္ α‘αါα‘αα္ α‘α်ိဳးαား αီαုိαေαα
ီ α‘αြဲαα်ဳα္ ααုိα‘αုα္α‘αႈေαာα္α်ား၊ αျαားေαာ ႏုိα္αံေαး αါαီα်ား၊ αူαα‘αြα့္α‘ေαး αႈα္αွားαူα်ားႏွα့္ αα္း ေαြααုံαဲ့αα္။
ႏုိα္αံေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားα်ား αူαီ ေα
ာα့္ေαွာα္ေαးα‘αα္း ျαα္αာႏုိα္αံ (AAPP) ၏ αြဲαα္α‘αြα္းေαးαႉး αိုαုိαΎαα္α “ႏုိα္αံ ေαး α‘α်α₯္းαားααွိαူး αုိαဲ့α
αားα ႏုိα္αံααာα αူေαြαဲαေαြααα္ αူαုိα α‘αΏαဲαα္းαုံးαဲ့ α
αားαါ။ αါα αာαုိ ျαααဲαုိေαာ့ αα္αွိαααိ α‘ေျαα‘ေααုိ αα္ααံႏုိα္αူး αုိαာျααα္” αု αွα္α်ေαး ေျαာαုိαα္။
credit :αα္αိုα္ (Irrawaddy News)
Soe Than Win/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Myanmar's Parliament began its current session on Monday in Naypyidaw. The population is parsing a raft of initiatives by a new, nominally civilian government.
YANGON, Myanmar — Five months after a nominally civilian government took power in Myanmar, the country is awash in uncertainty about who is really in charge.
Soe Zeya Tun/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Military members of Parliament at the opening session Monday.
Workers have taken down the once-ubiquitous portraits of Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the dictator who ran the country for nearly two decades, from the walls of government offices. But rumors circulate here that General Than Shwe, who stepped down in March, still has the final word on important decisions.
An impoverished population, downtrodden by decades of military rule, is parsing a raft of initiatives by the new government and trying to understand whether the country’s transition from military dictatorship to what the state news media describe as “discipline flourishing democracy” is real.
Like the biblical Thomas, they seem to want more proof.
“As far as I can see, there has been no change,” said U San Shwe, a retired civil servant whose comments typify the skepticism heard frequently in Myanmar. “The new government consists of former generals who have habits that they can’t break. They are accustomed to taking bribes, mistreating people and making a lot of money from their positions. They confiscate things, and no one can complain.”
Trying to guess the direction of this country has, in the past, been a fool’s errand. Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has zigzagged from paranoid isolation under military rule to flirtations with openness. It seems propelled by the competing impulses of conservatives and reformers within the military.
In recent weeks there have been signs that reformers, led by Thein Sein, a former general who was elected president in February, have the upper hand.
The government has proposed peace talks with armed rebel groups that are battling the military for control over resources and for more autonomy. Officials have met three times in the last month with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s leading dissident, who was released from house arrest in November.
Other changes have been more symbolic. The state-run newspapers are refraining from publishing slogans like “Riots beget riots, not democracy.” The government has also allowed publications that do not deal with politics or history to publish without prior censorship. (Any newspaper articles that touch on politics must still be submitted to a censorship board.)
The bar for freedom of expression is set so low here that journalists rejoiced when it was announced that they would be allowed into Parliament for its current session, which began Monday.
Amid the tumult of transition, some economic changes have been very substantive. But their benefits to ordinary citizens remain unclear. A major privatization program initiated last year is transforming an economy that was so heavily controlled by the state that it could have been designed by Lenin himself.
Scores of state-owned factories, government buildings and companies have been sold off. The local currency, the kyat, has soared in value against the dollar — in part, analysts believe, because money has poured in to pay for assets in the government’s fire sale. The transactions were done without public tender, and most assets were sold to a handful of government favorites.
“There are great opportunities — but only for the cronies. It’s like Russia,” said U Soe Than, the owner of a shop for cellphones and digital music players imported from China. Mr. Soe Than has firsthand experience dealing with the new government.
When the government sold a department store in Yangon, the wealthy Myanmar businessman who purchased the building ordered all of its tenants, including Mr. Soe Than, to leave within weeks. Mr. Soe Than helped write 18 letters to officials to petition for redress. All of them went unanswered. But when the story got into Myanmar’s exile media based in Thailand and India, it caught the ear of officials in Naypyidaw, Myanmar’s capital.
Mr. Soe Than says he is now slightly more hopeful that shop owners will be compensated. “Things have improved a little bit,” he said.
Whether an economy controlled by cronies is better than the state-run system is a point of debate among analysts of the country. Similarly tainted privatization campaigns in the Middle East created deep resentments that a decade or so later helped fuel revolts this year in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. Yet poor economic prospects have been as debilitating for the Burmese as political repression — if not more.
European Pressphoto Agency
State-run newspapers are taking a softer stance on propaganda.
Associated Press
Thein Sein, the president.
There have been some signs of economic revival: the number of tourists was up 23 percent in the first half of 2011, and hotels in Yangon brim with business travelers, many of them from China, Japan and South Korea.
Last week, The New Light of Myanmar, a state-owned newspaper, highlighted a meeting between government officials and executives from Caterpillar, the giant producer of construction and mining equipment that is based in the United States.
United States and European sanctions have made it difficult for many multinational companies to operate in Myanmar, but the government appears to be working vigorously to get the measures lifted. Officials from the International Monetary Fund have been invited for meetings in October to discuss further economic liberalization.
And the government has started a charm offensive with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who has great leverage on the issue of sanctions. Last week, the government invited her for the first time to the capital, where she met with Mr. Thein Sein, the president.
As an Oxford-educated 1991 Nobel Peace laureate and the daughter of Myanmar’s independence hero, Aung San, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi is perhaps the premier interlocutor between Myanmar and the outside world.
She has not fully enunciated her goals since her release from house arrest, but those who have watched her closely believe that she has aspirations well beyond being a mere symbol of national unity. “I always thought that her ambitions were higher than a ‘mother’ figure,” said Josef Silverstein, a Myanmar specialist and professor emeritus at Rutgers University in New Jersey.
Whether reconciliation between Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi and the former generals is possible remains a question mark hanging over the future.
Yet the political situation is only one part of the enormous challenge facing Myanmar’s 55 million people.
The decades of military rule and the generals’ single-minded obsession with political survival have left the country’s health and education systems a shambles.
A generation of students has been forgotten, said U Thiha, who runs a computer programming school in Yangon. He has been frustrated in his search for the best young minds for courses.
“My students were not well trained at university,” he said. “They don’t have enough knowledge. They are not eager. And over the past 20 years, there have been no activities to test and challenge them.”
Credit : Nwe York Times
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