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P R E S S R E L E A S E

U . S . E M B A S S Y R A N G O O N

1 1 0 U n i v e r s i t y A v e n u e , K a m a y u t T o w n s h i p , R a n g o o n , B u r m a

Press Statement

Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma

Ambassador Derek J. Mitchell

September 14, 2011

Minglaba. Good Morning. Let me read a brief prepared statement. I have just completed my first visit to Burma as U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator. I have spent the past five days in intensive consultations with a full spectrum of interlocutors in Nay Pyi Taw and in Rangoon to discuss the situation here and ways in which the United States can support and promote democracy, human rights, development, and national reconciliation in the country in our common interest.

I want to acknowledge the government’s excellent hospitality, Chargé d’Affaires Michael Thurston and his outstanding team at the U.S. Embassy for a quick turn around in organizing my visit, and all my interlocutors for their time and candor during our meetings over the past several days.

Being my initial visit, my primary goal was to introduce myself, listen to local perspectives, and establish relationships that I will build on as I proceed to fulfill my mandate and responsibilities for managing U.S. Burma policy.

In Nay Pyi Taw, I met with Union Parliament Speaker Khin Aung Myint, People’s Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, Labor and Social Welfare Minister Aung Kyi, Border Affairs Minister Lieutenant General Thein Htay, Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, and USDP Secretary General Htay Oo. I also met with a cross section of opposition MPs, including representatives from ethnic minority regions.

I was encouraged by and pleased with the quality and openness of the exchanges, and the constructive and respectful tone of each interaction I had. During these meetings, my government interlocutors repeatedly stated that this country had opened a new chapter to a civilian-led democratic governing structure and expressed that they were sincerely committed to reform in the interest of human rights, democracy, development, and national reconciliation.

I responded that the United States recognized and welcomed recent gestures from Nay Pyi Taw, such as President Thein Sein’s meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the establishment of a National Human Rights Commission, public emphasis on dialogue with ethnic minority groups in the interest of national reconciliation, and moderate easing of media censorship. Among both the international community and the Burmese people, it is clear that there are heightened expectations and hopes that change may be on the horizon.

At the same time, I was frank about the many questions the United States – and others – continue to have about implementation and follow-through on these stated goals. I noted that many within the international community remain skeptical about the government’s commitment to genuine reform and reconciliation, and I urged authorities to prove the skeptics wrong.

To that end, I raised concerns regarding the detention of approximately 2,000 political prisoners, continued hostilities in ethnic minority areas accompanied by reports of serious human rights violations, including against women and children, and the lack of transparency in the government’s military relationship with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

I offered respectfully that the government should take concrete actions in a timely fashion to demonstrate its sincerity and genuine commitment to reform and national reconciliation, including by releasing all political prisoners unconditionally, engaging in meaningful outreach to the political opposition, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and engaging in dialogue rather than armed conflict with ethnic minority groups. I affirmed the importance of establishing a legitimate and credible mechanism for investigating reported abuses in ethnic areas as a first step toward building trust and promoting national reconciliation through accountability. I also urged the government to adhere to all of its obligations under UN Security Council Resolutions related to proliferation.

I want to emphasize that our dialogue on these topics was respectful and open, which I greatly appreciated. I noted that progress on these issues will be essential to progress in the bilateral relationship, and that if the government takes genuine and concrete action, the United States will respond in kind.

Here in Rangoon, I continued the conversation on current conditions and trends in the country with a broad cross section of civil society. I consulted with the business and diplomatic communities, and local and international NGOs, including citizens doing heroic and courageous work providing free funeral services for the poor and treating those with HIV/AIDS.

And of course I met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and leaders of the National League for Democracy to discuss their perspectives on recent developments in the country, the future of their party, and U.S. policy approaches. I was reminded consistently during my visit that Daw Suu remains deeply important to the citizens of this country, Burman and ethnic minority alike, and that any credible reform effort must include her participation. It was also clear that she remains fully committed to the cause of peaceful change through dialogue.

Unfortunately, I was only here for a few days and thus was unable to explore the full breadth and diversity of this beautiful country. However, the courage and commitment of those with whom I met give me great hope for the country’s future should genuine reform and reconciliation proceed. I will be following developments closely from afar, and look forward to many return visits here to continue the United State’s principled engagement policy.

Again, I would like to thank the government for hosting me so warmly for my inaugural visit in my new post, and to all my interlocutors for sharing their valuable insights. I consider this a highly productive visit. I now will take a few questions before I must catch my plane.

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BANGKOK - It isn't easy working as a journalist under Burma's military rulers. The army has run the country since 1962, and although there were elections in November 2010 - the first in two decades - the army's party won easily and the new Government is headed by Thein Sein, a former General and Prime Minister under the ancien regime.

On the face of it, the new man in charge is trying to 'do reform'. He recently met with Aung San Suu Kyi - the extra-parliamentary opposition leader and now subject of a Luc Besson-directed film 'The Lady' - who in turn praised Thein Sein. To some, the new President is cautious 'reformist', apparently battling against 'hardliners' elsewhere in the Burmese Government. Still others, however, see this apparent contest as theatre, more control freakery by the military strongman behind the scenes, Than Shwe. A Senior-General in the army, he took power in 1992, and ccording to US diplomatic cables from the Rangoon embassy, 'all roads lead to Than Shwe' when it comes to figuring out Burma's opaque power structures.

Reform talk aside, Burma still holds almost 2000 political prisoners, which the Government describes as mere criminals. Among their number are hundreds of Buddhist monks, and over 20 journalists. Just before Thein Sein's April speech lauding the '4th estate', a correspondent for Democratic Voice of Burma was sentenced to 13 years in jail, the seventeenth DVB reporter to be locked up.
Burma has a growing private-owned media sector, but it must run content by Government (read army) censors, who can cut and reject content as they see fit. In another token-looking gesture, the Burmese authorities loosened the censor rules a bit, removing non-news, non-political content from their workload.

According to Shawn Crispin, southeast Asia representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the 'relaxations' are meaningless. "If the new regime was serious about press freedom, it would dissolve its censorship department altogether and allow the private media to play the watchdog role it does in real democracies."

In a hint at who is really running the show in the 'new' Burma, Crispin concluded that "I doubt Thein Sein's military minders have the stomach for that."

CPJ will publish an assessment of Burma's media landscape in the coming weeks, but in the meantime, see http://www.simonroughneen.com/asia/seasia/burma/censorship-prevails-in-new-burma-despite-reform-talk-pbs-mediashift/#more-5126

Follow Simon Roughneen on Twitter: www.twitter.com/simonroughneen

Credit : Huffington Post

Sittwe: Nine Muslims, including four women, were sentenced to two and a half years in prison by a court in Arakan on 8 September for traveling to Burma proper without permission from the authorities, report relatives.

One relative said, "They were sentenced to two and a half years in prison by a female judge in the Sittwe court at 4 pm on 8 September for traveling to Burma proper. I heard the female judge was pressured by the high authority in Naypyidaw to pass down the sentence for traveling to Burma proper."

The Chief of Immigration in Arakan State reported forced the judges to rule against the defendants in the case. Because of this, they were all sentenced under Article 188 of the penal code, and Article 6 (2) and 6 (3).

According to sources, 12 Muslims, including five children from Arakan state, were arrested by a joint force of authorities while they were traveling to Yangon by truck on 29th August, 2011. However, some of them reportedly hold National Registration Cards.

"They were arrested when they arrived at the Max Toll Gate in Maw Be Township, near Yangon, at 8:30 am Yangon time. After being arrested, they were detained in Maw Be police station. Some of them have genuine national identity cards," the relative added.

A day after their arrest, on 30 August, they were taken back to Arakan State by the Yangon immigration personnel via the Payi Township - Taung Goak - Sittwe Highway.

On 4 September, they arrived in Sittwe, the capital Arakan, and were detained in a police station there. On 5 September, five children under the age of ten were released without charges. On 6 September, five men were released on bail by a female judge but were approached by immigration personnel at their respective homes for questioning. They were then taken again to the police station and detained.

The Chief of Immigration called upon the judge who granted them bail in court. At 9 pm, the chief forced the judge to open her court and file charges against the defendants.

"The Chief of Immigration told the female judge to punish them according to Article 188 of the penal code, as well as Article 6 (2) and 6 (3), because there was a command from Naypyidaw," the source said.

Finally, on 8 September, all nine individuals - five men and four women - were sentenced by the female judge to two years and six months in prison.

The current government has imposed strong restrictions on the travel of Muslims from Arakan State to central Burma, much like the previous military government, despite that many have national identity cards, out of fear that Muslims will settle in Burma proper.

Link: ;http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=3096

ေခတ္ႀကီးကအြန္လုိင္းေခတ္ ဆုိေတာ့ တေန႔ တစ္ေခါက္ႏွစ္ေခါက္ေလာက္ေတာ့ အီးေမးထဲအလွ်ံပယ္ဝင္လာတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ၊ ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ၊ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္ေတြ၊ ေၾကာ္ျငာေတြထဲက စိတ္ဝင္စားစရာေတြ ကုိဖတ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခ်ိန္ရတဲ့အခါေတာ့လည္း စိတ္ဝင္စားတဲ့၊ ေတြးမိတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာေလးေပၚမွာ စာေကာက္ေရးျဖစ္၊ ေဆြး ေႏြးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုလည္း အမ်ားဒကာေျပာေနၾကလုိ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္တြင္းကလူမ်ိဳးေရးကိစၥ သိမိ ၾကားမိ ေတြးမိ တာေလး ေရးလုိက္ရပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားအေရး စဥ္းစားၾကတဲ့အခါမွာရခုိင္ျပည္တြင္းက ဘဂၤါလီလုိ႔ ရခုိင္မ်ားကဆုိတဲ့ (ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာ) ဆုိသူေတြရဲ႕ အေရးကလည္း ျခြင္းခ်န္ထားလုိ႔မရဘူးဆုိတာ ၁၉၉၀-၉၁ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္က မာနယ္ ပေလာ မွာ ရခုိင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ဗဟုိတရားရုံးေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ခုိင္ေစာထြန္းနဲ႔ လူမ်ိဳးစုအေရး စကားစပ္မိေျပာဆုိ ေဆြးေႏြးမိၾကတုန္းကတည္းက ျမင္မိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္တုံးကေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိတာေကာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ဒုကၡသုကၡ ေကာ၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သူ အမ်ားစုက မသိၾက၊ (အထူးသျဖင့္ ဦးေနဝင္းရဲ႕အေမွာင္ခ်ေခတ္ မ်ိဳးဆက္လူငယ္မ်ား က ပုိ၍မသိၾက) မၾကားဖူးၾကပါဘူး၊ သိၾကသူအနည္းအက်ဥ္းတုိ႔ကလည္း၊ သာမန္အားျဖင့္ေတာ့ ဒါ ရခုိင္ျပည္ တြင္းကိစၥ၊ ရခုိင္ေတြသာ အသိဆုံး၊ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြကဘဲေျဖရွင္းရမဲ့ကိစၥဆုိၿပီး ဖာသိဖာသာေနၾကပါတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ကိစၥဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမီဒီယာေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအစုိးရေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အဖြဲ႔ ေတြ၊ အဲန္ဂ်ီအုိေတြ၊ အျပင္ ကုလသမဂ အထိပါသိလာၾကပါတယ္။ မသိတာေတြ မသိသလုိေပ်ာက္ ကြယ္မ သြားဘဲ၊ သိလာတာကုိက သတိမူသင့္ အေလးထားသင့္ တဲ့အခ်က္လုိ႔ဆုိရမွာပါ။

တဖက္မွာေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ေတြရဲ႕ ဒုကၡသုကၡကုိ စာနာသူေတြ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအဝုိင္း မွာေကာ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳး ထဲမွာပါပုိ ပုိလာတာ ေတြ႔ျမင္ေနရပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြေတာင္မွ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဒုကၡ သုကၡကုိ အမ်ားနည္းတူ စာနာမွဳရွိ ၾကပါတယ္လုိ႔ေျပာရင္ လြန္ရာက်မယ္မထင္ပါဘူး။ တဖန္ ဒီ(ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ေတြဟာ ရခုိင္ေတြနဲ႔ တေျမထဲေန၊ တေရထဲေသာက္၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္တုိးတက္ေရး၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္အေရးကုိအတူတကြေဆာင္ရြက္ ၾကရမယ္လုိ႔ သေဘာပုိက္ထားတဲ့ ရခုိင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားလည္းအမ်ားအျပားရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ရခိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ခုိင္မုိးလင္းရဲ႕တပ္ထဲမွာ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူမ်ားပါဝင္ခဲ့တာရွိတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္၊ ဥကၠဌ ခုိင္မုိးလင္း က်ဆုံးမွဳနဲ႔အတူ သူတုိ႔ေတြလည္း ရခုိင္ျပည္အတြက္ အသက္ေပးခဲ့တာေတြရွိတယ္၊ ဦးေက်ာ္လွက အဲမ္အယ္လ္ အုိ ဆုိၿပီးေျပာင္းမဖြဲ႔ခင္၊ ေအအယ္အုိ (Arakan Liberation Organization)ကုိဖြဲ႔တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ရခုိင္ ဗုဒၼြဘာသာေတြ နဲ႔ေပါင္းဖြဲ႔ ခဲ့တာလုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။

စစ္အစုိးရကုိျဖဳတ္ခ်ၿပီးဒီမုိကေရစီ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရး၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္အေရး ကိစၥေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးေတြမွာ ရခုိင္ျပည္ အ တြင္းက အင္အားစုမ်ားျဖင့္ စုစည္းေဖၚေဆာင္ရမယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆထားပုံရတဲ့ NUPA အဖြဲ႔က (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထား တာရွိသလုိ၊ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိတဲ့ နာမယ္က တက႑ထား၊ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းရာနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ရခုိင္ ျပည္အတြင္းမွာ အတူေနလာၾကတဲ့ သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ လူမ်ိဳးမတူ၊ ဘာသာမတူတာက အေၾကာင္းမဟုတ္ ၿငိမ္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းရွိဖုိ႔က အဓိကလုိ႔ အယူအဆရွိသူ တသီးပုဂလ မ်ားကလည္ အတူေနၾကဖုိ႔ဝန္မေလးၾကပါဘူးတဲ့။

ကဲ.. ဒါဆုိရင္ ျပႆနာက ဘာတဲ့လဲ။ ေလ့လာၾကည့္ရတာကေတာ့

ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္တုန္းက အဂၤလိပ္နဲ႔ဂ်ပန္စစ္ပြဲရဲ႕ ဘက္ႏွစ္ဘက္ရပ္တည္မွဳအေပၚက ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ရတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ပဋိပကၡ ကုိအေျချပဳၿပီး၊ လူမ်ိဳးမတူ၊ ကုိးကြယ္တဲ့ဘာသာမတူတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးႏွစ္မ်ိဳးအၾကား အဖုအထစ္ေတြက၊ ေသး လုိက္၊ ႀကီးလုိက္နဲ႔သံသယေတြႀကီးထြားၿပီး ေပ်ာက္ကင္းေအာင္မကုႏိုင္တဲ့ ေရာဂါဆုိးလုိျဖစ္လာေနတာဘဲျဖစ္ တယ္ ။

ေျပာရရင္ ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္မွာ အဂၤလိပ္ဘက္ကုိ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူေတြက ရပ္တည္တယ္။ ဂ်ပန္ေတြကုိ ရခုိင္ မ်ားကကူတယ္။ ဒါနဲ႕လူမ်ိဳးေရးအဓိကရုန္းျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္ လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ တခါ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရခါနီးေေတာ့၊ ( ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူ အစြန္းေရာက္ထဲက တခ်ိဳ႕က မူဂ်ာဟစ္ဆုိၿပီး လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတာ္လွန္တယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက အိႏၵိယ ထဲကေန ပါကစၥတန္ႏိုင္ငံဆုိၿပီး ခြဲထြက္ဖုိ႔ႀကိဳးစားတဲ့အခါ မြတ္စလင္အမ်ားစုရွိတဲ့ ရခုိင္ျပည္နဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အေရွ႕ ဘဂၤလားနယ္ကုိ ပါကစၥထဲထည့္ဖုိ႔ စီစဥ္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွတခ်ိဳ႕လူမ်ိဳးစုေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားကလည္း သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္ေရးယူဖုိ႔ ေျပာဆုိေနၾကတဲ့အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ မူဂ်ာဟစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ိဳ႕ က လည္း အဲ ဒါကုိအားက်ၿပီး မြတ္စလင္ျပည္ထူေထာင္ဖုိ႔ လုပ္ခဲ့ပုံရတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ အဲဒါ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ အ တြင္းက ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရးပဋိပကၡအရွိန္ မကုန္ေသးလုိ႔ အစြန္းေရာက္တဲ့လူတစုရဲ႕ အစီအမံျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ဆုိ တယ္။ ဘယ္လုိဘဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ဒါက ႀကီးမားတဲ့ အဖုအထစ္ျဖစ္ေစခဲ့တယ္။

လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးတဲ့အခါ ဦးႏုေခတ္မွာေတာ့ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႀကီးက မူဂ်ာဟစ္ လက္နက္ကုိင္ကိစၥ သြား ေရာက္ ညွိႏွိဳင္းေျဖရွင္းခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီမွာ သူတုိ႔က သူတုိ႔ကို ဘဂၤါလီေခၚတာ ကုိမႀကိဳက္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဘဂၤါလီ မဟုတ္ ေၾကာင္း (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)လုိ႔သာ ေခၚဖုိ႔တင္ျပတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ဒီတင္ျပခ်က္အရ သူတုိ႔ကုိဦးႏု အစုိးရက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တုိင္းရင္းသားဆုိၿပီး တရားဝင္သတ္မွတ္ေပးလုိက္ပုံရပါတယ္။ ဦးႏုအစုိးရ အေနနဲ႔ လက္နက္ကုိင္ ေတာ္လွန္မွဳ ကိစၥ ရပ္တစ္ခုကုိ ေျဖရွင္းလုိက္ႏုိင္ေပမဲ့၊ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္တဲ့ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသား တခ်ိဳ႕က ေတာ့ သေဘာမေတြ႔ႏိုင္မွာအမွန္ပါ။

၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္ကုန္ေလာက္မွာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ေတာင္းတဲ့ကိစၥေပၚလာေတာ့ တခ်ိဳ႕ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြက ခြဲထြက္ ခြင့္ကုိပါအေျခခံဥပေဒမွာထည့္ေပးဖုိ႔ေတာင္းဆုိၾကတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္းေတာေဒသ က ေဒသခံေတြ(အထူးသျဖင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ) ႏွင့္ သံတြဲခရုိင္ ေဒသခံမ်ားက ရခုိင္ျပည္ နယ္ထဲကုိ သူတုိ႔ေဒသ ေတြမထည့္ဘဲ၊ ျပည္မႏွင့္တြဲဘက္ထားေပးဖုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ဒါကလည္း (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) နဲ႔ ရခုိင္တုိ႔အၾကား ရွိေနတဲ့ အဖုအထစ္အတြက္ ေျမၾသဇာထည့္ ေရေလာင္းေပးသလုိျဖစ္ခဲ့ပုံရတယ္။ ျပည္နယ္မ်ားမဖြဲ႔စည္းမွဳႏိုင္ ေသးခင္မွာဘဲ ဦးေနဝင္း အာ ဏာသိမ္း လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ဦးေနဝင္း အာဏာသိမ္းၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဦးနဳႏွင့္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ႀကီးတုိ႔ (ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေရးေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ား) ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခံေနရစဥ္၊ ၁၉၆၅ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္က စ ၿပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆုိတာကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားျခင္းမွ ဦးေနဝင္းက ရုတ္သိမ္းလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ဦးႏုေခတ္မွာ ရခုိင္ အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ျပည္နယ္ေတာင္းစဥ္က ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ကိုပါေတာင္တာကုိ ဦးေနဝင္းက သတိျပဳၿပီး၊ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသား မ်ားကုိ ႏွစ္သိမ့္ဖုိ႔လား၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ရခုိင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ိဳ႕သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္လုိ ပညာရွင္က ဦးေနဝင္းကို ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ေတာင္းဆုိလုိ႔လားေတာ့မသိပါ၊ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ကုိတုိင္းရင္းသား အျဖစ္က ရုတ္သိမ္းလုိက္ပါ တယ္။ ဦးေနဝင္းက ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဝါဒီမ်ားေက်နပ္ေအာင္၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္းေတာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ႏွင့္၊ သံတြဲေဒသမ်ားပါဝင္ေသာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ကုိလည္းဖြဲ႔စည္းေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္၊ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ ျပည္ နယ္ေတာ့ ရလုိက္ပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဦးေနဝင္းသေဘာက် အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာပါ။

ဦးေနဝင္းေခတ္ ၂၆ ႏွစ္လုံးလုံး တုိင္းျပည္အတြင္း ခ်မွတ္ေဆာင္ရြက္သမွ်ေသာ ေပၚလစီမ်ားဟာ ဘာတခုမွ မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္မရွိခဲ့၊ ေအာင္ျမင္မွဳမရွိခဲ့ပါ။ ပညာေရးေပၚလစီ၊ စီးပြားေရးေပၚလစီ၊ ေငြေၾကးဆုိင္ရာေပၚလစီ၊ ဘာသာေရးဆုိင္ရာေပၚလစီ၊ ဘာမွမမွန္ခဲ့ဘူး။ ဒီလုိဘဲ လူမ်ိဳးစုေရးရာေတြမွာ ကုိင္တြယ္ပုံကလည္းမမွန္ပါဘူး။

ရခုိင္ျပည္ကိစၥမွာလည္း အဖုအထစ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အက္ေၾကာင္းထင္ေနတဲ့ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရး အစြန္းေရာက္သူမ်ားနဲ႔ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူအစြန္းေရာက္တုိ႔အၾကား က်ားကြက္ေရြ႕ေနပါတယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆန္႔က်င္သူ မ်ားေက်နပ္ ေအာင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူမ်ားကုိ ေမာင္းထုတ္ျပလုိက္၊ ျပန္ေခၚလုိက္နဲ႔ ကုလသမဂ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ျပန္လည္ေနရာ ခ်ထားေရး အစီအစဥ္က လာတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြမ်ားကုိ အထက္လည္းအထက္အလုိက္၊ ေအာက္ကလည္း ေအာက္ အလုိက္ ဗိုက္မဆန္႔၊ အိတ္မဆန္႔ ေလာက္ေအာင္ထည့္ၾကတယ္လုိ႔ ခန္႔မွန္းေျပာဆုိခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ထရန္စ္ပဲရင့္စီ တုိ႔ အေကာင္တီဘီလီတီတုိ႔ ဘယ္တုန္းကမွ မရွိခဲ့တာဘဲ၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြက သူတုိ႔ဘဲ ကုိင္ခြင့္ရွိတာဘဲ။ ဒီၾကားထဲ ေငြယူလူသြင္းဆုိတာလည္းရွိပါတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ဒါကုိ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားေအာင့္သက္သက္နဲ႔ခံေနရသလုိ၊ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိသူမ်ား ချမာလည္း ဇေကာထဲ ေလာက္စလုံး ထည့္လိမ့္သလုိ အလူးအလဲခံေနရပါတယ္။

ဦးေနဝင္းေခတ္မွာ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိတာကုိ ရုပ္သိမ္းလုိက္ေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတြ ထပ္ေပၚ လာပါတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) လက္နက္ကုိင္မ်ားနဲ႔ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသား လက္နက္ကုိင္မ်ားအၾကား ထပ္မံေပၚ လာတဲ့ နယ္ေျမကိစၥ၊ လက္နက္ကိစၥ စတဲ့ပဋိပကၡ ကေလးေတြကလည္း၊ ဆုိခဲ့တဲ့ အဖုအထစ္မ်ားကုိ အစုိင္အခဲ ျဖစ္ ေစလာပါတယ္။

ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားက (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိတာဟာ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ ပါလုိ႔ တြင္တြင္ေျပာေနပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ေျပာတာ သဘာဝက်တယ္လုိ႔ဆုိလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လည္းဆုိေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူေတြ ေျပာတဲ့ စကားက ဘဂၤါလီႏြယ္တဲ့စကား(ဒုိင္ယာလက္စကား)၊ ေနထုိင္တဲ့အရပ္က ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္႕ နယ္နိမိတ္နဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ရခုိင္ျပည္အေနာက္ဘက္ျခမ္းမွာ။ ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္႕ ဆုိတာက စစ္တေကာင္း ေတာင္တန္းပါဝင္တဲ့ တခ်ိန္ကအေရွ႕ဘေဂၤါလ္ျပည္ပါ။ အေနာက္ဘေဂၤါလ္ျပည္က လက္ရွိအိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံထဲမွာပါ။ အေရွ႕ ဘေဂၤါလ္ ေကာ အေနာက္ဘေဂၤါလ္ေကာ အဓိကအားျဖင့္ ဘဂၤါလီလူမ်ိဳးအမ်ားစုေနထုိင္ၾကတာပါ။ စကားအား ျဖင့္က ေတာ့ ဒုိင္ယာလက္ခြဲေတြအမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ ဘာသာကေတာ့ အေရွ႕ဘေဂၤါလ္(ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္)က ဘဂၤါလီ မြတ္စလင္ မ်ားတယ္၊ ဘဂၤါလီဗုဒၼြဘာသာ၊ ဘဂၤါလီဟိႏၵဴ နဲ႕ ဘဂၤါလီ ခရစ္ယာန္ေတြလည္းရွိပါတယ္။ အေနာက္ ဘေဂၤါလ္ ျပည္နယ္မွာေတာ့ ဟိႏၵဴနဲ႔ ဗုဒၼြဘာသာဘဂၤါလီက ပုိမ်ားပါတယ္။ သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းအရ စစ္တေကာင္းေတာင္ တန္းေဒသအပါအဝင္ ဘေဂၤါလ္ ၁၂ ၿမိဳ႕ကုိ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္မ်ား နဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားဘုရင္မ်ား ဘတျပန္က်ားတျပန္ မင္းလုပ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ႔ၾကတာ အထင္အရွားရွိပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေတြက ဗမာျပည္ကုိလာ ေရာက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အႀကိမ္ေရ ရွားေပမဲ့ စစ္တေကာင္းျပည္ကုိ သြားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အႀကိမ္ေရကမ်ားပုံရပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္မ်ားဟာ မြတ္စလင္ဘြဲ႕အမည္ ခံယူအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တာေတြလည္း ရခုိင္သမုိင္းမွာရွိပါခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သမုိင္း ေၾကာင္းအရကလည္း ဆက္စပ္မွဳရွိေနတယ္။ နယ္စပ္လည္းျဖစ္ေနတယ္ဆုိရင္ လူမ်ိဳးတစ္မ်ိဳးဟာ ဟုိဘက္ဒီ ဘက္ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ခြရွိေနတတ္တာကေတာ့ သဘာဝ ေတာ့က်ပါတယ္။

ခ်င္းလူမ်ိဳးေတြ နယ္ေျမဆက္စပ္ေနတဲ့ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာေကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းမွာပါသက္ဆုိင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအျဖစ္ ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိရင္၊ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးေတြ၊ ဝလူမ်ိဳးေတြ တရုပ္ျပည္ထဲမွာေကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲ မွာပါ သက္ဆုိင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအျဖစ္ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိရင္၊ ဘဂၤါလီဆုိတာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ထဲမွာေကာ ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္႕ထဲမွာေကာ သက္ဆုိင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိ ျငင္းရင္ေကာ လက္ေတြ႔ က် မလား၊ သဘာဝက်မလားဆုိတာ စဥ္းစားဘြယ္ရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လူမ်ိဳးတမ်ိဳးဟာ သူတုိ႔လူမ်ိဳးအားလုံးသေဘာတူၿပီး လူမ်ိဳးအမည္ကို ေျပာင္းလဲသုံးစြဲေခၚေဝၚမယ္ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ႔ အခြင့္အေရးဘဲ၊ ေခၚေဝၚခြင့္ရွိမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။

သူတုိ႔က တဖက္က ဘဂၤါလီမ်ားနဲ႔ ေျပာစကား ဒုိင္ယာလက္ မတူတဲ့အတြက္ ဟုိဘက္က လူမ်ားနဲ႔ သီးျခားျဖစ္ ခ်င္ လုိ႔ သူတုိ႔ကိုယ္ သူတုိ႔ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) လုိ႔ေျပာင္းလဲ ေခၚေစလုိတဲ့သေဘာျဖစ္မယ္လုိ႔ယူဆရပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က ပုိအသိဆုံးျဖစ္မွာပါ။ ေနာက္တခုက ဘဂၤါလီလုိ႔သတ္မွတ္လုိက္ရင္ သူတုိ႔ကုိ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားတံဆိပ္ကပ္ ၿပီးတြန္းပုိ႔မွာ စုိးရိမ္ပုံရပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ေလာက္က (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိသူပညာတတ္လူငယ္ တစ္ေယာက္ စကားေျပာၾကည့္တုံးက၊ ..ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔က ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြနဲ႔နီးနီးစပ္စပ္ ရင္းရင္းႏွီးႏွီး ေနဖုိ႔လုိတာေပါ့…လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ေျပာေတာ့၊… ဒီလူငယ္ျပန္ေျပာတာက …က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ေနခ်င္ပါတယ္..ေနတယ္… သူတုိ႔က က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ကုိ တခါတည္းအမ်ိဳးပါျပဳတ္ေအာင္ ဘဂၤါလီကုလား၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားဆုိၿပီး ေမာင္းထုတ္ေနတယ္ေလ…ဗမာကုိေခၚ တယ္၊ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ကုိေခၚတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကုိ ေမာင္းထုတ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ဒုကၡေတာ့ေရာက္တယ္ေလ… ဒါေပမဲ့ မျပဳတ္ဘူး.. သူတုိ႔က ဒုကၡမေရာက္ဘူး… တျဖည္းျဖည္းကုန္လာၿပီ..တဲ့။ အင္း…စဥ္းစားစရာေတာ့ ေကာင္းသား။

၉၂ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္ကထင္ပါတယ္၊ ခ်င္းမုိင္မွာ လူအခြင့္အေရးသင္တန္းတစ္ခုမွာ ဆရာဦးတင့္ေဇာ္က ဘာသာျပန္လုပ္ေပးေနတုန္း သူနဲ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ကိစၥေမးျမန္ၾကည့္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဦးတင့္ေဇာ္ ရွင္းျပတာက ရခုိင္ျပည္မွာ ေရွး အစဥ္အဆက္ကတည္းက မြတ္စလင္ေတြ အတူတကြ ေနထုိင္လာခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတာ ျငင္းဘြယ္မရွိပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတာ မရွိခဲ့ဘူး။ ေရွးက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတာမရွိဘူး၊ လူဦးေရကလည္း ရွိသင့္တယ္ထင္တာထက္ မ်ားေနတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ကေတာ့ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္ နဂါးမင္းစစ္ဆင္ေရးတုန္းက ထြက္သြားတာထက္ ျပန္လက္ခံလုိက္ရတာက ပုိမ်ားတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ကုိယ့္ဆီကမဟုတ္ရင္ ျငင္းခြင့္ရွိတာဘဲ (မ်ားမ်ားလက္ခံေလ ကုလသမဂ ဒုကၡသည္ ျပန္လက္ခံေရး အစီအစဥ္အရေပးတဲ့ေဒၚလာ ေငြပုိရေလေလ ေၾကာင့္မ်ားလားမသိပါ။)

(ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ရွိျခင္း၊ မရွိျခင္း လက္ခံျခင္း၊ မခံျခင္း အျငင္းပြားကိစၥကုိ က်ေနာ္အေနနဲ႔ ေထာက္ခံျခင္း၊ ကန္႔ကြက္ ျခင္း မလုပ္ခဲ့ပါ။ အခုလည္းလုပ္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ လဲဆုိေတာ့ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ခုိင္ေစာထြန္း ရဲ႕စကား အသြားအလာ ကုိသတိျပဳမိၿပီးသကာလ ဒီလူမ်ိဳးစုႏွစ္စု(ရခုိင္ႏွင့္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူတုိ႔) တခ်ိန္ခ်ိန္မွာ နားလည္မွဳရ ေျပလည္သြားခဲ့ၾကရင္ ၾကားထဲကက်ေနာ္မ်ားတုိ႔ ငေပါႀကီး ျဖစ္က်န္ခဲ့မွာစုိးတာေၾကာင့္၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ေရွ႕မ်က္ႏွာ ေနာက္ထားၿပီးက်ေနာ္ ေထာက္ခံမိ(သုိ႔မဟုတ္)မေထာက္ခံမိတာ မွားပါတယ္လုိ႔ စိတ္တြင္းကေသာ္ လည္း ေကာင္း၊ အျပင္ပန္းအားျဖင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ေတာင္းပန္ရမဲ့အလုပ္မ်ိဳးမလုပ္ျခင္တာေၾကာင့္လုိ႔ပါ။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ေကာင္းေသာအႀကံျပဳျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အားလုံးႏွင့္ ထာဝရမိတ္ေဆြ ညီေနာင္မ်ားအျဖစ္သာေနလုိ၍ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီလုိအႀကံျပဳလုိက္ရပါတယ္။ အထက္တြင္ ဆုိခဲ့သည့္ အဖုအထစ္ေတြေရာဂါႀကီး ေပ်ာက္ကင္းဖုိ႔ ဆုိရင္ လက္ရွိသြားေနတဲ့နည္းလမ္းက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသျပာဆရာဝန္ကုိ အားထားကုေနသလုိျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ေပ်ာက္ေတာ့ေပ်ာက္မယ္။ ေရာဂါေရာ လူနာေရာ တပါတည္းပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္ညီေနာင္အေနျဖင့္ ေမာင္ႏွစ္မမ်ား အခ်င္းခ်င္းအတြင္း ကိန္းေအာင္းေနတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး အစြဲအလမ္းေတြ၊ အာဃာတ ေတြ၊ သံသယေတြ၊ စုိးရိမ္စိတ္ေတြကုိေဘးဖယ္ထုတ္ၿပီး အရင္းအျမစ္ ကုိ ဓမၼဒိဌာန္က်က် စဥ္းစားအေျဖရွာပါမွ ရခုိင္ျပည္သူတရပ္လုံး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာယာေရး၊ တုိးတက္ေရးမ်ားကုိ လုပ္ငန္းကုိ အားသြန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ၾကမည္ သာျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း၊ ဆက္လက္၍ ဒီကိစၥကုိစိတ္ဝင္စား ေဆြးေႏြးေနသူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္လည္း၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္သူ ညီ အစ္ကုိေမာင္ႏွစ္မမ်ား စုစည္းညီညြတ္လွ်က္၊ တုိးတက္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေသာေဒသသူ ေဒသသားမ်ားအျဖစ္ေရာက္ၾကရ ေလေအာင္ အျပဳသေဘာျဖင့္ အေလးအနက္ထား စဥ္းစားေဆြးေႏြးေပး သင့္ပါေၾကာင္းတုိက္တြန္းလုိက္ရပါ တယ္။

ဝင္းေမာင္ (ဟဲဟုိးသား)

၁၁ ရက္၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ၊ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္။

By David Henry Poveter >>>

The new nominally elected government of Myanmar has made recent headlines by freeing and trying to accommodate previously jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. President Thein Sein's government is clearly trying to legitimize his "democratic" regime by showing to its people and international observers that he is willing to work with the pro-democracy leader and trying to ameliorate the country's reputation as a serial violator of human rights.

Although these changes are recent and might be another facade of openness to gain international support for its new government, there is great potential for Myanmar to actually move toward its own style of democracy. Indeed, if Myanmar continues its transformation and normalizes its behavior enough to be recognized as the sole legitimate authority in the country, it could actually one day become a "real" democracy.

After the international outcry of the "Depaying massacre" in 2003, when a group of thugs attacked Suu Kyi's convoy and killed many of her supporters, Myanmar's military government revealed its "seven step roadmap" toward democracy, which was meant to serve as a transitional guideline from military to civilian rule.

The roadmap outlined seven stages, namely:

1. The establishment of a National Convention to draft a new constitution.

2. Proposal of steps needed to establish a democracy after the National Convention was concluded.

3. Drafting of a constitution based on the principles laid down by the National Convention.

4. A national referendum to approve the new charter.

5. Election of a democratically representative government.

6. Convention of parliament.

7. Building of a modern, developed and democratic nation by the newly elected parliamentarians.

After the 2008 constitutional referendum, stage-managed general elections were held in November last year. The military backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won 883 (or 76.5%) of the 1,154 seats at stake. This majority, combined with the 25% of the seats reserved for the military as stipulated by the 2008 constitution, means that the military's USDP dominates the newly convened parliament, known as the Hluttaw, and has the numbers to unilaterally amend the constitution. All that is left is the seventh and arguably most difficult step, to build a modern, democratic nation.

With six of the seven steps now accomplished, it is important to elaborate on a few points. Firstly, the 2008 constitution establishes a set of new institutions, including a parliamentary elected president, a bicameral parliament, and 14 regional governments. It also calls for regular elections and the presence of several political parties to contest them. In theory, at least, the interplay of these institutions differs substantially from the previous centralized military regime. Since these institutions are still very much new, it will be interesting to see how the new balance of power is established.

Secondly, the government has shown certain signs of reconciliation. A week after the November 2010 elections, the junta released pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi after having detained her for 15 of the past 21 years. Furthermore, Kim Aris, one of Suu Kyi's sons who lives in the United Kingdom, was issued a visa allowing him to visit his mother for the first time in over a decade. In May 2011, Thein Sein's government freed 14,600 prisoners, among them a small number of political detainees. (Rights groups estimate there are still over 2,100 political prisoners being held in Myanmar.)

Moreover, in July, Suu Kyi was allowed to visit the ancient city of Bagan on a private pilgrimage. A month later, she made her first political trip outside Yangon to Bago, about 80 kilometers north of the old capital. During her trip, she delivered a speech to more than 600 people in which she proclaimed cooperation with Myanmar's government by stating that "unity is strength, unity is needed everywhere and it is needed especially in our country". A week later, Suu Kyi met for the first time with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, the new capital.

Seeing Suu Kyi free and travelling around the country is an image that seemed unfathomable only a year ago, when she was still under house arrest. But even if these changes are only a facade and the new opening is quickly closed, for now it appears that Myanmar's new government has broken somewhat from the previous junta's iron-fisted approach.

These gestures have established a new platform from which democratic changes could become a reality and democratic ideologies could grow. Morten Pedersen, a research fellow at the Center for International Governance & Justice in Australia, argues that "formal institutions, once established, have a tendency to change the interest of the people involved, to become new power centers, and ultimately become 'real'." Taking that analysis forward, the newly established institutions combined with a more reconciliation-minded government is moving towards a unique, Myanmar-style of democracy.

At the same time, the government is looking outward and trying to legitimize its regime to the international community. In this direction, the government has expressed its desire to take up the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, a prestigious position that would bolster the country's credibility not just among regional neighbors but also the wider international community as well.

Now that its political party has been nominally elected, the previous junta is bidding to normalize its behavior in regard to both internal and external issues. Even if these changes prove more cosmetic than substantive, the fact that Suu Kyi has been liberated, that her son has been allowed to visit her, and that she is holding political meetings means for now change is in the air.

If Myanmar's "democratic developments" continue to gain international credibility and legitimacy, then the positive momentum could eventually push the country towards genuine democracy. If Myanmar manages to establish a democracy that can bring peace and stability within its own borders, the governments of the world will have no other choice but to recognize and accept Myanmar's unique roadmap toward democracy.

David Henry Poveter, a pseudonym, is an independent strategic analyst based in Shanghai.

Credit : Asia Times

Remarks

Michael H. Posner
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor

Suzan Johnson Cook
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom

Washington, DC

September 13, 2011

ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Thank you. Good morning, everybody. As you know, the State Department is mandated by law to produce this report each year. The Secretary of State also designates Countries of Particular Concern, countries whose governments have, and I quote the statute, “engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom.” Secretary Clinton has designated eight states as Countries of Particular Concern. They are: Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Uzbekistan. All of these countries have been long-term, chronic, and egregious violators of religious freedom. The report documents in full detail the violations that have prompted these designations.

In Burma, for example, hundreds of Buddhist monks are still in prison, and the government refuses to recognize that the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority, are Burmese citizens.
In China, the government’s overall level of respect for religious freedom declined in 2010 and has worsened this year. The repression of Tibetan Buddhists and Uighur Muslims continues.

In Iran, members of the Baha’i are arrested, expelled from university, and their leaders languish in prison.
Saudi Arabia prohibits the public practice of any religion other than Islam, and the government discriminates against the Shia minority.
And in Uzbekistan, it’s illegal to proselytize; and it’s dangerous for a Muslim even to discuss religious issues outside of a state-sanctioned mosque.

These and many other violations in the eight Countries of Particular Concern are spelled out in great detail in the reports. But I want to emphasize that the list is by no means the only measure of serious violations of religious freedom. In a significant number of other countries, we are also closely monitoring official repression of religious minorities or official indifference to their plight, and urging governments to uphold their affirmative obligations to protect religious freedom. Let me mention a few.

We are deeply concerned about the fate of Christians in Syria. Many of these people have been victimized twice: they fled the violence in Iraq and now many are seeking to flee Syria. The government has created a climate of instability and violence in which the human rights of thousands are being violated on a daily basis.
In Pakistan, the government has not reformed a blasphemy law that has been used to prosecute religious minorities and, in some cases, Muslims who promote tolerance or to settle personal vendettas. This year, there have also been several assassinations of those who called for reform of the blasphemy laws, including the Punjab Governor Salman Taseer and Shahbaz Bhatti, the minister for minorities, whom Secretary Clinton and I met in February before he was killed.

The Government of Pakistan has taken steps to address these rising concerns. For example, in March, Shahbaz Bhatti’s brother, Paul, was appointed a special advisor on religious minorities to the prime minister. In July, the government also created a ministry of national harmony, which will have oversight for protecting religious minorities at a national level. And in August, President Zardari celebrated National Minorities Day and committed his government to support protection of minority religious rights.
We will continue to engage with the Government of Pakistan to address these issues, to promote tolerance, and to improve religious freedom.
In Iraq, religious minorities and Shia pilgrims have been the targets of devastating attacks since 2003. Last October, more than 50 worshipers were killed in an attack on Our Lady of Salvation Catholic Church in Baghdad. We welcome the fact that the Government of Iraq has tried and convicted the perpetrators of that attack, but the tragic massacre of the Shia pilgrims that Secretary Clinton mentioned that came to light yesterday indicates that there is more work to be done.
In Vietnam, the record is mixed. While the government has allowed hundreds of new places of worship to be built, significant problems remain, especially at the provincial and village levels. These include slow or no approval of registration for some groups, especially in the north and northwest highlands. There are also reports of harsh treatment of detainees after the protest over the closing of a Catholic cemetery in Con Dau Parish. And the government re-imprisoned Father Nguyen Van Ly, a Catholic human rights defender who has been paroled 16 months earlier after suffering a series of strokes while in prison.
In Egypt, tensions between Christians and Muslims continue. For example, in January, a bomb at the Church of Two Saints in Alexandria killed 22 people. After the fall of the Mubarak government in February, soldiers fired on unarmed Copts at the Saint Bishoy Monastery, wounding six. And in May, clashes between Muslims and Christians in Imbaba left 15 dead, 232 injured.
In response to the Imbaba clashes, military leader Marshall Tantawi issued a strongly worded public condemnation of sectarian attacks, and 48 suspects have been referred for trial. Prime Minister Sharaf has ordered 17 churches be allowed to reopen across Egypt.
We will continue to call on the government to pass a unified law which would set one single, unified standard for building houses of worship that would apply both to Christians and Muslims. And we stand ready to support political, religious, and civic leaders in Egypt as they work to build a new society where democracy and religious tolerance can flourish.
In these and other places, we will continue to review and assess the state of religious freedom, and we are prepared to designate other countries as Countries of Particular Concern as the situation warrants.
Finally, I would urge leaders of all these nations and civil society groups as well to use this report as a resource to help identify and address violations of religious freedom. We stand ready to help.
Now it’s my pleasure to introduce Suzan Johnson Cook, who is the ambassador-at-large for International Religious Freedom.
AMBASSADOR COOK: Thank you, Mike. And good morning. It is a privilege to be with all of you today as we release this important report. I was sworn in on May 16th after a long haul to get here, but it was worth the wait. Throughout my career, I’ve had the privilege and opportunity to work with people of different faiths to bring them together to achieve common goals. It is my belief that in order to live peacefully side by side, we cannot allow violence based on religion to continue under any circumstances.
In my first months in the Office of International Religious Freedom, I’ve met with inter-faith leaders from Switzerland, Turkey, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, OIC. And I’m working with my colleagues in the U.S. Government and the religious community to address systemic challenges to religious intolerance.
As the Secretary said in her remarks last week, too many countries in the world today do not allow people to exercise their religious freedom, or they make it difficult or dangerous to do so. So as hard as it may be, we need to get up every day and keep trying to make a difference. The International Religious Freedom Report we’re releasing today is one way to do that. It shines a spotlight on this fundamental human rights issue and guides our policy making. The report is the work of my dedicated and talented staff in the International Religious Freedom Office who have put in long hours, as have all our missions overseas and others here in Washington, to verify that this report is comprehensive, accurate, and fair.
I would also like to thank the hundreds of activists and academics who regularly provide us with reporting and analysis, sometimes at great personal risk.
This year, we are publishing the report on our website, www.humanrights.gov. Humanrights.gov is now the one-step location for all our human rights reporting, and we’re updating it every day with other State Department statements, speeches, and materials.
This report covers every country, every faith, and myriad forms of harassment, persecution, and abuse on the basis of religion. We hope it will prompt other countries to redouble their efforts to create an environment where citizens can freely follow their faith or profess no faith, according to their own conscience.
In some cases we spotlight government violations of the right to religious freedom, and in other cases we call out governments that are not doing enough to stop violence by some citizens against others. Sadly, the list is long. So I urge all of you to read the Executive Summary, where we have distilled in just a few pages the state of religious freedom in 2010. Obviously, a great deal has happened since the end of 2010, including the upheaval in the Middle East and an uptick in sectarian violence there. So we’ve included a summary of key developments around the world in 2011.
We also used shoe leather diplomacy, where at the State Department, we call engagement. It’s going to countries and talking to government officials, religious leaders, educators, human rights activists, journalists, young people, and others about how to combat hatred and religious persecution. So I’m going to be hitting the road in the fall. I hope to visit a number of countries that face challenges in protecting religious freedom, including Afghanistan, China, Egypt, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia.
And the third way we make a difference is by spotlighting examples of where things are going right. So I also plan to travel to countries that are doing the hard work of resolving religious animosities and taking practical steps to guarantee religious freedom to all their citizens. In July, I went with Secretary Clinton to Istanbul for a meeting on combating religious intolerance. As the lead U.S. coordinator for the implementation of the UN Human Rights Council Resolution 1618, which she referred to this morning, I’m eager to work with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and others, other partners to discuss best practices and exchange ideas on how to best protect freedom of religion.
I will convene a meeting of experts later this year, with participants from around the world and from a wide variety of faiths and religions. We’ll talk about how to counter offensive expression through education, interfaith dialogue, and public debate and how to prohibit discrimination, profiling, and hate crimes. And we will share ways of combating hate without compromising the universal right to free expression, because everyone must have the right to believe as well as the right to manifest their belief.
So I want to thank you for coming this morning, and Assistant Secretary Posner and I will be happy to take your questions. Thank you.
MR. TONER: Any questions? Go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you. I have two questions regarding China. The first is, according to CECC, the Congressional and Executive Commission on China – according to their reports, Beijing had launched a new round of a campaign since the year 2010 to year 2012 that says calling for increased transformation of Falun Gong practitioners. So I’m wondering if you have been aware of this persecution, this continued persecution?
And the second question is: Recently, China is trying to amend their criminal procedure law, and if this is adopted, it would expand the police power and it may authorize the forced disappearance. So what’s your comments on that?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Sure. Let me just put those two questions in a slightly broader context. We’ve said repeatedly that we have concerns about what really has been a deteriorating human rights situation, especially since February of this year. I was in China in April for the human rights dialogue. We raised a number of these issues publicly. And the specific question you raised with the Falun Gong is part of a broader pattern. We have concerns about the treatment of those who are in unregistered churches, so-called house churches – the Shouwang Church, for example, in Beijing, where beginning around Easter time people were not allowed to gather, and a number of the leaders of that church were put in prison. We have concerns about the Uighur community and the restrictions on Muslim religion. We have concerns about the Tibetan community, the Kirti Monastery, where 300 monks were taken from the monastery and detained.
So there is a broader pattern of religious and other persecution that’s part of a broader human rights problem. I also would call out the case of Gao Zhisheng, a lawyer who has represented religious communities and who’s been missing since April of 2010.
QUESTION: Follow-up?
MR. TONER: Yeah. Go ahead.
QUESTION: Two questions, one just to follow on China. As far as religious freedom in China, you say you’ve been visiting China and meeting officials and all that. One, what answer to you get from them as far as their – not their belief or not believe, but how they prosecute people because of their faith, especially people from Tibetans and Buddhists are still in jails and we don’t know – you may not know how many of them. And every day they go to jail because of their belief in God or what they worship. So what do you hear from them year after a year? This report comes and you meet and greet here and there and all that.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Well, I take the view – first of all, we will continue to raise these issues in China and elsewhere because they’re universal norms, they apply to every country in the world, and there is an obligation of every government to respect those norms. We have continuous discussions as part of a broader engagement with China, but these issues are an important part of that dialogue.
And I can’t tell you that every time I’ve had a conversation, we’ve agreed or had satisfying results, but I do believe that raising these issues both publicly and privately serves a number of purposes. It provides assurance to people in the country that we’re paying attention; we know what’s going on. It reinforces their commitment to move – to continue working. And in some cases, we have been able to get results like releases or better conditions. We’ll continue to press, even if some of the discussions are difficult.
QUESTION: My other question is on overall religious freedom. Let’s say – I’ve been going through this report and also what you said and Secretary said, as far as in Pakistan and also Saudi Arabia. And including in the U.S. or in Saudi Arabia or in Pakistan, if you go in the mosques, the teachings are not about their religion. Their teachings is basically hatred against other religions in the mosques. And also, in Pakistan, Hindus and Sikhs and Christians are under attack more and more as you go through the last year’s report. But government officials have not taken any steps against those, even including reading these thirteen lines on Pakistan.
And so Pakistan is like an open society in many ways and friends of the United States and ally. And also on comparing with Saudi Arabia to Pakistan, it may be a different story because in Saudi Arabia, they don’t allow any non-Muslims to practice anything. But in Pakistan, it’s a different society. But still, why is there – Pakistan has not been taken care of or taking any steps against those who persecute other religious people?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Well, I think what I said in my opening comments – we are, as your comments suggest, or your question – we are concerned about the blasphemy law, about the intolerance in Pakistan, about the murder of Minister Bhatti and Governor Taseer.
At the same time, the government has in the last several months taken a few positive steps, and we’re working with the government on the assumption that these issues need to be addressed. We are – we work with the government on a range of things. This is an important subject. And the increasing extremism in that society, I think, is worrying to everybody.
So we are very mindful of the things you raise in both Pakistan and in Saudi Arabia, and these are issues that we’re very attentive to and will be more so.
QUESTION: One more quickly, if you don’t mind.
MR. TONER: Come on, let’s give – Goyal, let’s give some other people a chance. Go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you. You mentioned engagement as a way of promoting religious tolerance in different countries. What about the countries where you don’t have access to, where you don’t have any relations, you don’t have presence such as Iran, for example?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Well, we are obviously very frustrated by a number of things in Iran, including the continued harassment of the Baha’i. There were seven Baha’i leaders who were sentenced to 20 years in jail. The government then reduced it to 10 and now they’ve upped it again to 20 years. There are eight leaders of one of the Baha’i schools of higher education that are being put on trial. People – Baha’i kids can’t go to the regular universities. So there’s a range of things, not only the Baha’i but other minority communities.
We’ve raised these issues, we continue raising these issues. We have, obviously, a difficult relationship with that government or North Korea, other places that are on the list. But I think it is, again, important for us to be clear about the facts, to hold every government to the same standard. It does reinforce people in those societies who understand and know that the United States Government is listening and paying attention.
QUESTION: Resolutions have also been passed in Geneva, but even they apparently have not had any effect. Is there any other mechanism through which you can get to these countries, such countries?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Well, I think with respect to Iran in particular, there is now a special rapporteur that’s focused on Iran who’s just beginning his work, and I think that will also play a useful role. It’s not just the United States. It’s the global community. The Human Rights Council selected that individual. And we’re now going to see whether the government lets him in, and if – and what kind of a report he produces and then what the reaction is.
But again, I think there’s a drumbeat and there’s a growing view in this world that these issues of human rights and religious freedom are part of what’s expected of every government in the global community.
QUESTION: Is the OIC itself helpful at all? It’s Islamic.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: Well, I think, again – and Sujay[1] can speak to this as well, I hope – and will – I think the OIC has helped us change the discussion, which was a very negative discussion of defamation which was at the Human Rights Council for a decade or so. We were debating endlessly a Pakistan and OIC-promoted resolution that really pitted us against some of the Islamic countries because it focused on ways to restrict free speech. Our view is that free speech and promoting religious tolerance and harmony are consistent.
And so what the OIC secretary general has done – and Sujay and Secretary Clinton were with him in Istanbul – is to talk about an alternative, this 1618 resolution which has now been adopted by the UN, which says let’s go at the problem of religious discrimination, religious intolerance, affirmatively, let’s find some practical ways forward. And he’s listed about a dozen of them. Those are useful things, and that’s partly what we need to be focusing on, an affirmative agenda.
______________
[1] Sujay refers to Ambassador Cook
AMBASSADOR COOK: And the resolution that was achieved was the result of 10 years worth of work, and so it’s an ongoing effort. Where we’re now at is the implementation stage. And so Istanbul was a successful trip, and we’re going forward with my hosting the experts in December here at the Secretary’s invitation. So it’s ongoing, and so we will not let it go. Thank you.
QUESTION: Hi. I wanted to ask you about Israel. There’s issues of Christians and Muslims being able to worship freely, and also there has been several attacks on mosques in the West Bank. Have you been speaking to the Israeli Government about this? How much responsibility do they hold in trying to protect as an occupying power?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: We do speak to the Israeli Government about this and a range of other human rights issues. I’ve been myself particularly involved since the Goldstone Report in dealing with some of the issues of humanitarian access, et cetera, in the context of a UN resolution. But I would say – I think to put this in a broader frame, at the center of a lot of the tensions in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza is the absence of a peace process, of a peace process that’s yielding a two-state solution. That’s what we favor. A lot will be – a lot of human rights issues are going to be dealt with much more directly and easily once we have that process up and running and once we get a result.
QUESTION: Thank you. And could you comment on the situation on religious freedom in Georgia in general? And also, I was wondering if you would give us some more details about Uzbekistan, the only former Soviet state that appeared in CPC list? Thanks.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: I don’t have anything, I think, to add to what’s in the report on Georgia. With respect to Uzbekistan, we have had a set of – I’ve been to Uzbekistan twice. We had a – my colleague, Tom Melia, was part of a bilateral dialogue that occurred last week here with the Government of Uzbekistan. And one of the things he raised, and Ambassador Blake, is the issue of religious freedom. We continue to have concerns about both restrictions on the ability of religion – religious groups, unregistered groups to participate, to operate openly. I met with a number of religious figures when I was last there who had church services disrupted, some religious leaders arrested. So there really is an ongoing problem there, and we are eager to work with the government to try to improve that record.
MR. TONER: Last question. Go ahead.
QUESTION: Hitting Pakistan again, I wondered if you see any progress on the blasphemy law and whether you considered adding it as a CPC.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY POSNER: We certainly consider adding any country, and there – and we are very mindful, as I said in my opening comments, about the both misuse of the blasphemy law, the fact that it’s been applied so often, and the fact that some people have been – have received severe sentences as a result of it.
We are going to continue to work with the government. We’ve seen some positive steps in the last few months. But I think the message here is we have great concern about the overall situation of extremism and intolerance in Pakistan, and we stand ready to work with the government to try to address that.
MR. TONER: Thank you all.

PRN: 2011/1476

The plight of Burma’s political prisoners was among the principal issues raised by Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, after his five-day mission to the country last month.

Quintana, who has visited Burma four times since 2008, noted the positive steps taken by the government ‘that have the potential to bring about an improvement in the human rights situation of Myanmar (Burma).’ He also welcomed ‘what seems to be an opening of space for different actors and parties to engage in the political process.’

But while recognizing the efforts of the government to implement reforms, he also underscored the ‘serious and ongoing human rights concerns that need to be addressed.’ He also specifically cited the continuing detention of a large number of ‘prisoners of conscience.’

The military junta-dominated government continues to deny the existence of political prisoners in the country, but activists believe there are more than 2,000 people in the country who are in prison today because of their political activities. Burma is notorious for handing out insanely long sentences to captured dissidents. For example, Gen. Hso Ten of the Shan State Peace Council is serving a 106-year sentence for high treason. Hla Hla Win, a video journalist for the Democratic Voice of Burma, was detained for using an unregistered motorbike, but her jail sentence has been extended to 20 years.

Burma has more than 43 prisons and around 100 labor camps, but the majority of political prisoners are held in Yangon’s Insein prison. Even democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi spent time in this top security prison.

In his statement delivered at Yangon International Airport, Quintana shared the testimonies of ‘prisoners of conscience’ in Insein Prison. ‘I heard disturbing testimonies of prolonged sleep and food deprivation during interrogation, beatings, and the burning of bodily parts, including genital organs. I heard accounts of prisoners being confined in cells normally used for prison dogs as means of punishment. I also heard accounts of inadequate access to medical care, where prisoners had to pay for medication at their own cost.’

Quintana also mentioned the continuing allegations of ‘torture and ill-treatment during interrogation, the use of prisoners as porters for the military, and the transfers of prisoners to prisons in remote areas where they are unable to receive family visits or packages of essential medicine and supplemental food.’

Insein Prison has a total prison population of 10,000, but it has only three doctors. The prison overcrowding is blamed for the spread of illnesses in the detention facility.

Quintana’s report validates the claim of human rights groups that Burma prisoners suffer regular physical and psychological abuse from officials. It also affirms the notorious image of Insein prison as the ‘darkest hole in Burma,’ where 300 political prisoners are currently detained.

After witnessing the conditions of the ‘prisoners of conscience’, Quintana immediately called for their release on humanitarian grounds. He also reminded the government that their release would be a ‘central and necessary step towards national reconciliation and would bring more benefit to Myanmar’s efforts towards democracy.’

If the Junta generals are serious in their commitment to promote democratic reforms, and if they want the approval of the international human rights community, they would do well to follow what Quintana has outlined in his latest report on the state of human rights in Burma. At the minimum, releasing the ‘prisoners of conscience’ will boost the democratic reform movement in the country.

Credit : By Mong Palatino (The diplomat)

ဧရာဝတီ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး

ေအာင္ဒင္
စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၂၊ ၂၀၁၁

(၁) ဧရာဝတီ ကို သတ္ေနသူမ်ား၏ စိန္ေခၚသံ

သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရက သေဘာထား ေပ်ာ့ေျပာင္းလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ တခ်ိဳ႕က ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနျပီး တခ်ိဳ႕လဲ ျပည္ေတာ္ျပန္ၾက၊ တခ်ိဳ႕ကလဲ ျပည္ေတာ္ျပန္ဖို႔ တိတ္တိတ္ကေလး ၾကိဳးစားေနၾကခ်ိန္မွာပဲ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရရဲ့ ဝန္ၾကီးတပါးက ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ့ ဆႏၵ ကိုလုံးဝ ဂ႐ုမစိုက္ေၾကာင္း အတိအလင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ေျပာၾကားလိုက္ပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ့ အသက္ေသြးေၾကာျဖစ္ျပီး ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ား မွီခိုအားထားရာျဖစ္တဲ့ မိခင္ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ၾကီး ပ်က္စီးေပ်ာက္ဆုံးရမွာကို စိုးရိမ္လြန္းလို႔ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ဆံုမွာ တရုတ္အစိုးရပိုင္ ကုမၸဏီမ်ားက တည္ေဆာက္ေနတဲ့ ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္ၾကီးကို ဆက္လက္မေဆာက္လုပ္ပဲ ရပ္တန္႔ဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုေနၾကတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြကို ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရရဲ့ အမွတ္(၁) လွ်ပ္စစ္စြမ္းအားဝန္ၾကီးဌာန ဝန္ၾကီး ဦးေဇာ္မင္း က "ဧရာဝတီေရာဂါသည္မ်ား" “ဧရာဝတီေရာဂါနဲ႔ အမီွလိုက္ေနသူမ်ား" လို႔ေလွာင္ေျပာင္ သေရာ္လိုက္ျပီး ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္ၾကီးကို ဘယ္သူကပဲ ကန္႔ကြက္၊ ကန္႔ကြက္ ဆက္ေဆာက္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ၾကိမ္းဝါးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႔က ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာရွိတဲ့ မီးရထားဝန္ၾကီးဌာန ဝန္ၾကီးရုံးမွာ ျပဳလုပ္တဲ့ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲမွာ အဲဒီလို ေျပာဆိုလိုက္တာပါ။

ဒီလိုေျပာဆိုရင္းနဲ႔ပဲ ဦးေဇာ္မင္းက ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာမွာ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဝန္ထမ္းတဦး၊ ေက်ာ္မင္းလူ (ေရႊျပည္သာ) ဆိုတဲ့ နံမည္ဝွက္ေတြနဲ႔ ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္ တည္ေဆာက္ေရး ေကာင္းတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းေတြ ေဆာင္းပါးေရးတာ သူကိုယ္တိုင္ပါပဲလို႕ ဝန္ခံသြားပါတယ္၊ သူကေျပာပါေသးတယ္၊ "ျမစ္ၾကီးကို ဘယ္သူမွ မထိန္းသိမ္းခဲ့လို႔ ျမစ္ၾကီးက ပ်က္စီးတာ၊ ေရက စီးခ်င္တဲ့ေနရာ ေလွ်ာက္စီးေနတာ" လို႔ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ၾကီးကိုေတာင္ အျပစ္တင္သြားပါေသးတယ္၊ ဒါေပမည့္ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ၾကီးကို ထိန္းသိမ္း ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ဖို႔ သူအပါအဝင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုက ႏိုင္ငံကို ႏွစ္ ၂၀ေက်ာ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈအတြင္း တာဝန္မဲ့ခဲ့တာကိုေတာ့ မသိခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ဦးေဇာ္မင္းဟာ ဗိုလ္မႉးၾကီးေဟာင္း တေယာက္ျဖစ္ျပီး နအဖအစိုးရသက္တမ္းအတြင္းမွာလဲ အမွတ္(၁) လွ်ပ္စစ္စြမ္းအား ဝန္ၾကီးအျဖစ္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့သူပါ၊

ေရႊလီေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္ စီမံကိန္း ဖြင့္ပြဲအခမ္းအနားမွာ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဝန္ၾကီးဆိုသူ (အလယ္)

သူေဒါသတၾကီးနဲ႔ ေျပာမွပဲ အရင္က ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ မသိခဲ့ရတဲ့ အက်ိဳးစီးပြါးအေပးအယူ ကိစၥေတြကိုပါ သိၾကရပါတယ္။ ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္ အပါအဝင္ ဧရာဝတီ၊ ေမခ၊ နဲ႕ မလိခ ျမစ္မ်ားမွာတည္ေဆာက္ေနတဲ့ ဆည္ၾကီး ၇ ခု ျပီးစီးသြားရင္ ထြက္လာမည့္ ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္ပမာဏရဲ့ ၉၀% ကို တရုတ္ အစိုးရက ရျပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက ၁၀% ပဲ ရမယ္။ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ရာႏႈံးျပည့္ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳတ္ႏွံတာျဖစ္ေပမည့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအတြက္ ဒီလုပ္ငန္းၾကီးမ်ားအတြက္ ၁၅% ပိုင္ဆိုင္ခြင့္ေပးတယ္... ဆိုေတာ့ ဒီဆည္တည္ေဆာက္ေရးမွာ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ၈၅% ပိုင္ျပီး ျမန္မာအစိုးရက ၁၅% ပဲပိုင္တယ္ေပါ့၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားေရာင္းလို႔ ရမည့္အျမတ္ေငြရဲ့ ၇၀% ကိုတရုတ္အစိုးရက ရမွာျဖစ္ျပီး ၃၀% ကိုသာ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက ရမွာပါ၊ သူအဆိုအရပဲ ထင္ထင္ရွားရွားေတြ႕လိုက္ရတာက ကခ်င္တိုင္ရင္းသားမ်ား အမြန္အျမတ္ထားရာ ျမစ္ဆံုကို ဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္လို႕၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအမွီျပဳအားထားရာ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ၾကီးကို တရုတ္အစိုးရကို ဖ်က္ဆီးခြင့္ျပဳလိုက္လို႕ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရျပန္ရမွာက ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈရဲ့ ၁၅%၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားရဲ့ ၁၀%၊ နဲ႕အျမတ္အစြန္းရဲ့ ၃၀% ပါ၊ ပ်က္စီးေပ်ာက္ဆံုးသြားရမည့္ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ၾကီးကို ဆုံးရွုံးလို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအားလုံး၊ အခုလက္ရွိ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေတြသာမက ေနာင္လာမည့္ မ်ိဳးဆက္မ်ား ခံစားရမည့္ ဆုံးရွုံးမႈပမာဏက ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ ခံစားရမည့္အက်ိဳးအျမတ္ထက္ အဆေပါင္း ေထာင္နဲ႔ခ်ီျပီး ၾကီးမားလွတယ္ဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ ဦးေဇာ္မင္း ထည့္တြက္ပံုမရပါဘူး၊

၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလက တရုတ္ျပည္ခရီးစဥ္မွာ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ ဧရာဝတီေရကာတာ စီမံကိန္းအား ေနာက္ဆံုး အဆံုးအျဖတ္ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ အဓိကတရားခံ..

(၂) တရုတ္ျပည္ရဲ့ မဟာတံတိုင္းအသစ္

တရုတ္ျပည္က ထင္ရွားေက်ာ္္ၾကားလွတဲ့ မဟာတံတိုင္း (The Great Wall) ၾကီးကို အားလုံး ၾကားဖူးၾကမွာပါ၊ ဘီစီ ၅ ရာစုေလာက္ကစျပီး မင္မင္းဆက္ (Ming Dynasty) (၁၃၆၈-၁၆၄၄) အထိ ကာလ အတြင္း တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ့ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းက က်ဴးေက်ာ္ဝင္ေရာက္မႈေတြကို ကာကြယ္ဖို႔ လူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ကိုအဓမၼေစခိုင္းျပီး ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ခံတပ္ တံတိုင္းၾကီးေတြပါ၊ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္သက္တမ္းရွိျပီး မိုင္ေပါင္း ၅၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ရွည္လ်ားလို႔ ၁၉၈၇ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ကုလသမဂၢ က ကမာၻ့အေမြအႏွစ္တပါး အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားတာပါ။ ဒီဘက္ေခတ္မွာေတာ့ လက္ရွိ တရုတ္အစိုးရက မဟာတံတိုင္း အသစ္ၾကီးတခုကို ေဆာက္လုပ္ေနပါတယ္၊ ဒီတခါေဆာက္တဲ့ မဟာတံတိုင္းအသစ္က တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းမွာ မဟုတ္ပါ၊ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံအျပင္ဘက္ ကမ႓ာတဝွမ္းမွာ တရုတ္အစိုးရပိုင္ကုမၸဏီမ်ား ေဆာက္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ေရကာတာၾကီးမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္၊ အာဖရိကမွာဆိုရင္ အဲဒီႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကထြက္တဲ့ ေရနံကို ျပိဳင္ဘက္မရွိဝယ္ယူႏိုင္ဖို႔ သက္ဆိုင္ရာအစိုးရမ်ားကို လာဘ္ထိုးတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ဆည္ၾကီးေတြ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေပးပါတယ္၊ ျခံစည္း႐ိုးခ်င္းကပ္ေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာေတာ့ ထြက္လာမည့္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားကို ဝါးမ်ိဳစားေသာက္ဖို႔ ဆည္ေတြေဆာက္ေပးတာပါ၊ သမိုင္းေဟာင္းမွာ မဟာတံတိုင္းၾကီးေဆာက္ေတာ့ အျပစ္မဲ့ တရုတ္ျပည္သူေတြ အဓမၼလုပ္အားေပးခိုင္းေစခံၾကရ၊ ေနရာေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းၾကရ၊ ဘဝေတြပ်က္စီးၾကရ၊ အသက္ေတြ ေသဆုံးၾကရသလိုပဲ ဒီကေန႕ေခတ္္၊ တရုတ္အစိုးရရဲ့ မဟာတံတိုင္းသစ္ ေဆာက္လုပ္ရာမွာ ကမ႓ာတဝွမ္းက အျပစ္မဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြ ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေရာက္ေနၾကရတာပါ၊

သမိုင္းေဟာင္းမွာတုန္းက မဟာတံတိုင္း ေဆာက္လုပ္ရာမွာ ေဒသခံစစ္ဘုရင္ေတြ အက်ိဳးစီးပြါး ျဖစ္ထြန္းခဲ့သလို ဒီကေန႔ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ကမ႓ာကို ပါတ္ျပီး ဆည္ေတြတည္ေဆာက္ရာမွာလဲ တရုတ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ အေပါင္းအပါ အာရွ နဲ႕အာဖရိက ကအာဏာရွင္အစိုးရေတြပဲ အက်ိဳးစီးပြါးျဖစ္ထြန္းၾကတာပါ၊ ဆည္ေတြေဆာက္လို႔ ေပ်ာက္ဆုံးသြားတဲ့ ျမစ္ၾကီးေတြ၊ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းရတဲ့ ျမိဳ႕၊ရြာေတြ၊ အဓမၼလုပ္အားေပးရတဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြ၊ ပ်က္စီးသြားတဲ့ သဘာဝပါတ္ဝန္းက်င္နဲ႕ ေျပာင္းလဲသြားတဲ့ ရာသီဥတု၊ ေရလႊမ္းခံရတဲ့ လယ္ေျမေတြ၊ ကနၲာရျဖစ္သြားတဲ့ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးခင္းေတြ၊ အသတ္ခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ သစ္ေတာၾကီးေတြ၊ ျဖိဳခ်ခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ ေတာင္တန္းၾကီးေတြ ကို တရုတ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြ နဲ႔ သူတို႔ရဲ့အေပါင္းအပါအာဏာရွင္မ်ားက အလြယ္တကူေမ့ေလ်ာ့လိုက္ၾကျပီး တရုတ္ေရွးဘုရင္မ်ားက မဟာတံတိုင္းၾကီးအတြက္ ဂုဏ္ယူဝင့္ႂကြားၾကသလို တရုတ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ားနဲ႔ အေပါင္းအပါမ်ားကလဲ မဟာတံတိုင္းသစ္ ဆည္ၾကီးမ်ားအတြက္ ဂုဏ္ယူဝင့္ႂကြားေနၾကတာပါ၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ တရုတ္အစိုးရရဲ့ ဩဇာခံ စစ္ဘုရင္တပါးျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရက သေဘာထားေပ်ာ့ေျပာင္းျပီး ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးကို ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ့ ဆႏၵအတိုင္း ရပ္တန္႔လိမ့္မယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ ဘယ္တုံးကမွ မေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခဲ့ပါ၊ အခု ဦးေဇာ္မင္းရဲ့ စိန္ေခၚခ်က္က က်ေနာ့္ သံသယကို အတည္ျပဳေပးလိုက္ပါျပီ။

(၃) ဆည္ေတြမွာ သက္တမ္းရွိ၍ ထိုသက္တမ္းမွာ တိုေတာင္း၏

ဦးေဇာ္မင္းက ေျပာသြားပါေသးတယ္၊ "ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာေတာ့ ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္နဲ႕ပါတ္သက္ျပီးေတာ့ လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္႔ထက္ပိုျပီးေတာ့ အေတြ႕အၾကဳံရွိတဲ့လူ မရွိေတာ့ဘူး" တဲ့၊ အဲဒီစကားအတြက္ အေတာ္အံ့ဩမိပါတယ္၊ ဘာျဖစ္လို႕လဲဆိုေတာ့ သူကပဲ ဒီဆည္ၾကီးကို တရုတ္အစိုးရကို ကာလအကန္႔ အသတ္တခုနဲ႔ လုပ္ခိုင္းျပီး အဲဒီကာလျပီးဆုံးတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ "ျပီးပါျပီ၊ ကုန္ျပီ၊ မင္းျပန္ေတာ့၊ ဒါၾကီးထားခဲ့ေတာ့။ ကိုယ့္အႏိုင္ငံအပိုင္ျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒီထက္အက်ိဳးရွိတဲ့ဟာ ဘာရွိေသးလဲ" လို႔အားရပါးရေျပာသြားလို႔ပါ၊ ဆည္ၾကီးေတြမွာ သက္တမ္းရွိတယ္ဆိုတာ သူသိပံုမရပါ။

ျမစ္ကို ပိတ္ဆို႔ျပီး ဆည္ေတြ၊ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ေတြ တည္ေဆာက္ၾကတဲ့အခါ ျမစ္ဖ်ားပိုင္းက စီးလာတဲ့ ေရေတြဟာ ေရကာတာၾကီးေၾကာင့္ ျမစ္ေအာက္ပိုင္းကို ဆက္လက္ မစီးဆင္းႏိုင္ပဲ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ၾကီးထဲမွာပဲ ထိန္းသိမ္းခံၾကရမွာပါ။ ျပီးေတာ့ ေရကာတာက ေရတံခါးၾကီးမ်ားကို ဖြင့္ေပးမွသာ ေရေတြ ျမစ္ေအာက္ပိုင္း ကို ဆက္လက္စီးဆင္းႏိုင္မွာပါ။ အဲဒီေရေလွာင္ကန္ၾကီးထဲကို ေရေတြတင္မကဘူး ႏုံးေျမေတြ (Sediment) ပါစီးဝင္ ေရာက္ရွိမွာပါ၊ အဲဒီ ႏုန္းေတြက ေရေလွာင္ကန္ၾကီးရဲ့ ေအာက္ေျခမွာ သြားျပီး စုပံုအနည္ထိုင္ၾကမွာပါ၊ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ၾကီးရဲ့ ၾကမ္းျပင္က ေရတံခါးၾကီးမ်ားရဲ့ ေအာက္ဖက္အေဝးၾကီးမွာမို႔ ေရတံခါးၾကီးမ်ားကို ဖြင့္လို႔ ေရေတြ ျမစ္ေအာက္ပိုင္းကို စီးဆင္းခြင့္ ရရင္ေတာင္မွ ႏုံးေတြအတြက္ကေတာ့ ထြက္ေပါက္မရွိပါ။ အဲဒီလိုနဲ႔ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ၾကမ္းျပင္မွာ တေျဖးေျဖးစုပံု အနယ္ထိုင္လာတဲ့ ႏုံးေျမေတြဟာ ႏွစ္ေတြၾကာတာနဲ႔အမွ် ျမင့္တက္ခိုင္မာလာျပီး ေရေလွာင္ကန္ရဲ့ ၾကမ္းျပင္ဟာ တစတစ ျမင့္တက္လာျပီး ကန္ထဲမွာ ေလွာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ေရပမာဏဟာလဲ နည္းသထက္ နည္းလာပါတယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႕လို႔ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ထဲမွာ ႏုံးေတြမ်ားလာတာနဲ႔ အမွ်၊ ေအာက္ၾကမ္းျပင္ ျမင့္တက္လာတာနဲ႕အမွ်၊ ေလွာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ေရပမာဏနည္းလာတာနဲ႔ အမွ်၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္စြမ္းအားထုတ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းဟာလဲ ေလ်ာ့နည္းလာပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ ေရေလွာင္ကန္တခု၊ ေရကာတာတခုရဲ့ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားထုတ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းဟာ အမ်ားဆုံး ႏွစ္ ၂၀ နဲ႔၃၀ ၾကားမွာပဲ ရွိတတ္ပါတယ္၊ ႏွစ္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္သြားျပီးရင္ျဖင့္ အဲဒီ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ၾကီးဟာ ႏုံးေျမေတြ ျပည့္ႏွက္ေနတဲ့ ကန္ၾကီးတခုပဲ ျဖစ္ေနပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားထုတ္ဖို႕အသုံးမဝင္ေတာ့သလို ခရီးသြားလာေရးနဲ႔ အျခားကိစၥမ်ား အတြက္လဲ အသုံးဝင္မွာ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ပါ၊

ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္အပါအဝင္ တရုတ္အစိုးရကတည္ေဆာက္ေနတဲ့ ဆည္ၾကီးမ်ားအတြက္ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ႏွစ္ ၃၀ စာခ်ဳပ္နဲ႕ (BOT/Build, Operate and Transfer) လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ရမွာျဖစ္လို႔ ႏွစ္ ၃၀ ျပည့္လို႔ တရုတ္အစိုးရက က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို ဒီဆည္ၾကီးမ်ား ျပန္လႊဲေျပာင္းေပးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ရမွာက ႏုံးေျမေတြျပည့္ႏွက္ေနတဲ့ အမိႈက္ကန္ၾကီးေတြပါ။ ဦးေဇာ္မင္း ေျပာသလို အက်ိဳးရွိမယ္ဆိုတာ လုံးဝမျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါ။

(၄) အဂၤုလိမာလ ဇာတ္သိမ္းခန္း

က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံးနီးပါး ျမတ္ဗုဒၶရဲ့ ေအာင္ျခင္း ၈ပါးထဲက အဂၤုလိမာလခြၽတ္ခန္းကို ၾကားဘူးၾကမွာပါ၊ ဘုရားလက္ထက္က အဂၤုလိမာလ သတို႔သားဆိုတာ ရွိခဲ့တယ္၊ တကၠသိုလ္မွာ ဒိသာပါေမာကၡ ဆရာၾကီးထံ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ျပီး ပညာသင္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဆရာၾကီးက သူ႔တပည့္ကို သူ႕ဇနီးနဲ႔ မသကၤာျဖစ္ပါေတာ့တယ္။ ဒါနဲ႕ ဆရာၾကီးက အဂၤုလိမာလကို ေခ်ာက္တြန္းတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ သူ႕ဆီမွာ ပညာေတြသင္ယူဖို႔ဆိုရင္ သူက ေငြေၾကးလက္မခံပဲ လူ႔လက္ညိႈး အေခ်ာင္း ၁၀၀၀ ကို သာပညာသင္ခအျဖစ္လက္ခံမွာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းေျပာျပီး အဂၤုလိမာလကို လူ႔လက္ညိႈးအေခ်ာင္း ၁၀၀၀ နဲ႔သူ႔ကို ပူေဇာ္ႏိုင္မွ ျပန္လာခဲ့ ဆိုျပီး ေက်ာင္းေတာ္က ေမာင္းထုတ္ပါတယ္။ ဆရာ့စကားနားေထာင္တဲ့ အဂၤုလိမာလ ကလဲ ေက်ာင္းကထြက္ခြါလာျပီး လူေတြကို လိုက္သတ္၊ လက္ ညိႈး ေတြကိုျဖတ္၊ အဲဒီ လက္ ညိႈးေတြကို ေပ်ာက္သြားမွာစိုးလို႔ ၾကိဳးနဲ႔သီျပီး လည္ပင္းမွာ ခ်ိတ္ဆြဲျပီး အင္မတန္ ေၾကာက္စရာေကာင္းတဲ့ လူဆိုးၾကီး ျဖစ္လာပါတယ္၊

အဲဒီလိုနဲ႔ ျမိဳ႕ျပင္က ေတာအုပ္ၾကီးတခုမွာ ခိုလႈံျပီး ေတာအုပ္ကို ျဖတ္သန္းသြားသမွ် လူေတြကို သတ္ျဖတ္ျပီး လက္ညိႈး ေတြ စုေဆာင္းလာတာ တေထာင္ျပည့္ဖို႔ တေခ်ာင္းပဲလိုပါေတာ့တယ္၊ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ သားကို စိတ္ပူလြန္းလို႔ လိုက္ရွာတဲ့ အဂၤုလိမာလရဲ့ မိခင္ၾကီးက အဂၤုလိမာလရွိတဲ့ ေတာအုပ္ကို ေရာက္လာပါတယ္၊ အဂၤုလိမာလ ကလဲ သူ႕အေမကို အေမမွန္း မွတ္မိေပမည့္ ေနာက္ဆုံးလိုတဲ့ လက္ ညိႈး တေခ်ာင္းကို ရဖို႔သတ္မယ္ဆိုျပီး အေမ့ေနာက္ကို ဓားဝင့္ျပီး လိုက္ပါသတဲ့၊ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ မိခင္ၾကီးက ေၾကာက္လန္႔တၾကား ေရွ႕ကေျပး၊ ေသြးဆာေနတဲ့ လူသတ္သမား အဂၤုလိမာလက ေနာက္ကလိုက္ ေနခ်ိန္မွာ ျမတ္စြာဘုရားက ကိုယ္ထင္ျပပါသတဲ့၊ အဲဒီေတာ့မွ အဂၤုလိမာလက အေမ့ေနာက္လိုက္တာကိုရပ္ျပီး ဘုရားကို သတ္ဖို႕လိုက္ေတာ့ ဘုရားက ေရွ႕ကေန ေျဖးေျဖးေလး ႂကြေနေပမည့္ သူဘယ္လိုမွ လိုက္လို႕မမီႏိုင္ပါတဲ့၊ အဂၤုလိမာလ က "ေဟ့၊ ရဟန္းၾကီး၊ မေျပးနဲ႔ ရပ္" လို႔ေျပာေတာ့ ဘုရားက "ခ်စ္သား အဂၤုလိမာလ၊ ငါကား မေျပး၊သင္သာ ေျပးသူျဖစ္သည္" လို႔အစခ်ီျပီး တရားေဟာျပေတာ့မွ အဂၤုလိမာလ အကြၽတ္တရားရ၊ အမွားေတြျမင္ျပီး ေနာင္တရပါသတဲ့၊

အခုလဲ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ နဲ႔စစ္အုပ္စုဟာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ေခတ္ရဲ့ အဂၤုလိမာလေတြ ျဖစ္ေနပါျပီး၊ သူတို႔ရဲ့ ဆရာၾကီး တရုတ္အစိုးရ ေက်နပ္ေစဖို႕အတြက္ တိုင္းျပည္မွာ ရွိသမွ် သစ္ေတာေတြ၊ သတၱဳေတြ၊ သဘာဝဓာတ္ေငြ႔ေတြ၊ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းေတြ၊ အဖိုးတန္ရတနာေတြ၊ အားလုံးကို ေပးအပ္ျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ အခု တရုတ္အစိုးရအလိုက် မိခင္ဧရာဝတီကို သတ္ဖို႕ၾကိဳးစားေနပါျပီ၊ ဒီေခတ္မွာေတာ့ အမိဧရာဝတီ အသတ္မခံရေအာင္ ဘုရားႂကြျပီး တရားျပဖို႔ကေတာ့ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါ၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားကပဲ စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္တဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈနဲ႕ အင္အားျပျပီး အဂၤုလိမာလ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရက အမိဧရာဝတီကို မသတ္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ တားဆီးၾကရမွာပါ၊

ဧရာဝတီ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး စပါျပီ၊

ေလးစားစြာျဖင့္

ေအာင္ဒင္

စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၂၊ ၂၀၁၁

aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

ဒီႏွစ္အတြက္ အေမရိကန္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ဆို္င္ရာ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစီရင္ခံစာ ထဲမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ကမာၻေပၚမွာ ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အဆိုး၀ါးဆံုးခ်ိဳးေဖါက္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံစာရင္းမွာ မႏွစ္ကလိုပဲ ပါ၀င္ေနျပန္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ၂၀၀၇ခုႏွစ္ သံဃာ့ အေရးအခင္းေနာက္ပိုင္း ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေတြကို ပိုမုိဖိႏွိပ္လာၿပီး ရာနဲ႔ခ်ီတဲ့ သံဃာေတြ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရဆဲ ျဖစ္သလို မူစလင္ေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကိုလည္း အခုထိ အသိမွတ္မျပဳေသးပဲ ခရစ္ယန္ဘာသာ၀င္ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ အတြက္ဆိုလည္း အခြင့္အေရး ရပိုင္ခြင့္ ေတြ ဆံုးရံႈးမႈ ရွိေနတယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာထဲမွာ ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစံုကို ေဒၚခင္မ်ိဳးသက္က တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို CPC လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အျပင္းအထန္ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္ေနတဲ့ ႏို္င္ငံထဲမွာ ဆက္လက္ထည့္သြင္းထားၿပီး ဒီႏွစ္အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံအပါအ၀င္ စီပီစီ ရွစ္ႏို္င္ငံရဲ့ ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္ေနမႈ အျပည့္အစံုကို အဂၤါေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖၚျပထားတယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ႏို္င္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ဒီမိုကေရစီ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ အလုပ္သမားဆို္င္ရာ လက္ေထာက္ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီး မိုက္ကယ္ ေပါ့စ္္စနာ(Michael Posner) ကေျပာပါတယ္။

“ႏို္င္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ကလင္တန္က အထူးစိတ္ပူဖို႔ေကာင္းတဲ့ ႏို္င္ငံအျဖစ္ ၈ ႏို္င္ငံကို သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီႏို္င္ငံေတြကေတာ့ ျမန္မာ၊ တရုတ္၊ အီရစ္ထရီးယား၊ အီရန္၊ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား၊ ဆူဒန္နဲ႔ အူဇဘက္ကစ္စတန္ ႏိုင္ငံေတြပါ။ ဒီႏို္င္ငံေတြအားလံုးမွာ ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ မရွိတာ ႏွစ္ကာလ ၾကာျမင့္ေနၿပီျဖစ္သလို ဆိုးဆိုး၀ါး၀ါးလည္း ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္ေနတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒီခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မႈေတြကို အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ အျပည့္အစံုေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။”

အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အပိုင္းေလးပိုင္းခြဲ တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္း ေဒသအလိုက္ ဘာသာေရး ကိုးကြယ္မႈကို ဆန္းစစ္ထားသလို ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ ၉၀ ရာခိုင္ႏံႈးရွိၿပီး ခရစ္ယန္နဲ႔ မူစလင္ ၄ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္း စီေလာက္ရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ အစိုးရရဲ့ ဘာသာေရးဆိုင္ရာ ေလးစားလိုက္နာမႈနဲ႔ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအတြင္း ဘာသာေရးဆိုင္ရာ ေလးစား လိုက္နာမႈ အေျခေနေတြကိုပါ

ခြဲျခားေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။

“ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ အခုထိ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေတြ ေထာင္အက်ခံေနရတာ ေတြ႔ရသလို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက မူစလင္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကိုလည္း အခုထိ အသိမွတ္ျပဳတာမ်ိဳး မေတြ႔ရေသးပါဘူး။”

မစၥတာ ေပါ့စ္နာေျပာသြားတာပါ။ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကို အထူးဦးစားေပးၿပီး အေလးအျမတ္ထားေၾကာင္း ျပသေနေပမယ့္ ၂၀၀၇ခုႏွစ္ သံဃာ အမ်ားအျပားကို ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ေတြ ခ်မွတ္ၿပီး နယ္ေ၀းအက်ဥ္းေထာင္ေတြ ပို႔တာရွိသလို အစီရင္ခံစာေရးသားတဲ့ ၂၀၁၀ ဇူလိုင္လ ၁ ရက္ကေန ဒီဇင္ဘာလကုန္ အတြင္း သံဃာအပါး ၂၅၆ ပါး အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲမွာ က်န္ေနေသးတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ သံဃာ့ဥေသွ်ာင္ျမန္မာ ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔ အတြင္းေရးမႈး အရွင္ဂုဏိႆရကေတာ့ လြတ္လပ္စြာကိုးကြယ္မႈကို သင္ေပးတဲ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ရဟန္းေတာ္ေတြကို အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားတာ မသင့္ေလွ်ာ္ဘူးလို႔ မိန္႔ပါတယ္။

“ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရဖမ္းထားတာကေတာ့ ရာဂဏန္းရွိတယ္ေပါ့ ဘယ္သူ႔မွ အဆက္အသြယ္မမွီတဲ့ အတြက္ စာရင္းမျပဳႏိုင္ တာေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးရွိတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ဖမ္းထားရင္းနဲ႔ ပ်ံလြန္ေတာ္မူသြားတာေတြလည္း ရွိပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၇ခုႏွစ္က သံဃာေတာ္ေတြက ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး ေမတၱာပို႔တယ္၊ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္တယ္။ ဒီကိစၥေတြနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သံဃာေတာ္ေတြေနတဲ့ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းေတြကို ပိတ္တာ၊ ၀ါတြင္း ကာလေတာင္ ကိုယ့္ေက်ာင္းကိုယ္ မျပန္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ေတာက သံဃာ ၿမိဳ႕မတက္ႏို္င္ေအာင္ ၿမိဳ႕ကသံဃာ ေတာမျပန္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးဒုကၡေပးတာရွိတယ္။

ဘာမွ အပစ္မရွိတဲ့ ဆရာေတာ္ေတြ ဦးဂမၻီယအပါအ၀င္ တျခားဆရာေတာ္သံဃာေတြကို ဖမ္းထားတာဟာ ဘာသာေရးကို အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး ပိတ္ပင္ တားဆီးေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့ ဘာသာ သာသနာထြန္းကားတဲ့ တိုင္းျပည္မွာ ဒီလို ျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ရွက္ဖို႔လည္းေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြကိုရပ္တန္းကရပ္ဖို႔ တိုက္တြန္းပါတယ္။”

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ အမ်ားဆံုးေနထုိင္တဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ အပါအ၀င္ မူစလင္ေတြ အျပင္ ခရစ္ယန္ေရာ၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ သံဃာေတြကိုပါ ဖိႏွိပ္ ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရရဲ့ အခု အစီရင္ခံစာဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီလမ္းကို ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္ေတြကို စိန္ေခၚေနတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာ မူစလင္အစည္းအ႐ံုး အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဦးေအာင္တင္ကေျပာပါတယ္။

“ျမန္မာျပည္မွာက မူစလင္ျဖစ္ျခင္းကိုက အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ ကိုးကြယ္တယ္ဆိုတာနဲ႔ ဒီလူဟာ တုိင္းရင္းသားမဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံသား မဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ ပံုစံမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒီ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ိဳးေတြဆိုရင္ ႏိုင္ငံသားဟုတ္တယ္ မဟုတ္ဘူး ဆိုတဲ့ အဆင့္ထက္ေတာင္ မကေတာ့ဘဲနဲ႔ ဒီလူသားရဲ့ ျဖစ္တည္ခြင့္ေတြမွာပါ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတယ္။ ဥပမာ အရြယ္ေရာက္လို႔ အိမ္ေထာင္ျပဳခ်င္ရင္ ေတာင္မွ အိမ္ေထာင္ျပဳလို႔ မရတာ၊ သိန္းနဲ႔ ခ်ီတဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ က်န္းမာေရးအတြက္ ေဆးကုမယ္ဆိုရင္ ေဆးကုလို႔မရ တေနရာက တေနရာသြား လို႔မရ၊ ပညာသင္လို႔ မရ၊ အလုပ္အကိုင္ ရွာေဖြလို႔မရ၊ သူတို႔ကို ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ စီစစ္လို႔ မၿပီးႏိုင္ေသးဘူးလား။ ဒီကေန႔ ယူႏိုက္တက္ စတိတ္ကထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ ဒီ ဘာသာေရးဆိုင္ရာ အဖိႏွိပ္ဆံုးႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျမန္မာ ႏို္င္ငံဆက္လက္ပါရွိေနျခင္း သည္ပင္လွ်င္ ဒီကေန႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံတည္ေဆာက္ေနပါတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သမၼတႀကီး ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရကို ေမးခြန္းထုတ္လိုက္တယ္ လို႔ေတာင္ ထင္မိပါတယ္။”

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ရွိၿပီး လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တိုးတက္လာေစဖို႔ အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြဟာ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြ၊ ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ။ NGO အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြနဲ႔ အခါသင့္တုိင္း ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေနသလို ၂၀၀၈ခုႏွစ္ ကစၿပီး အေမရိကန္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ တြန္လန္းတို႔စ္ (Tom Lantos Block Burmese Junta Anti- Democratic Efforts Act) ရဲ့ JADE အက္ဥပေဒနဲ႔ ခ်မွတ္ အေရးယူ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတယ္လု႔ိလည္း အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။

Credit : VOA Burmese

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ယေန႔ကမာၻေပၚတြင္သဘာဝေဘးဒဏ္၊ႏုိင္ငံံေရးေဘးဒဏ္ေၾကာင့္လူ႔အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဆုံးရွဳံးသြားျခင္း၊ ခုိကုိးရာမဲ့ဘဝအျဖစ္သုိ႔ေရာက္ရွိသြားျခင္း၊ႏုိင္ငံမဲ့ဘဝအျဖစ္သုိ႔ေရာက္ရွိသြားျခင္းတုိ႔ကုိရင္ဆုိင္ေနပါသည္၊၊
ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္လည္းႏုိင္ငံေရးေဘးဒဏ္ေၾကာင့္ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဒုကၡမ်ဳိးစုံခံစားေနရ ပါသည္။

ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးေျပာင္းလဲတုိင္းရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကေျမဇာပင္ျဖစ္ရသည္မွာအစဥ္အလာကဲ့သုိ႔ျဖစ္ေနပါသည္။
တရားမွ်တမွဳမရွိေသာႏုိင္ငံေရးအဓြန့္ရွည္ေနသမွ်ကာလပတ္လုံး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ႏုိင္ငံမဲ့ဘဝျဖင့္ ဒုကၡမ်ိဳးစုံ ခံစားေနရမွာဧကန္မလြဲပါ၊

ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိ႔သည္ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္လြန္ခဲ့ေသာႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကတည္းကပင္ ေနထိုင္ၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ႏုိင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ားလည္းရရွိခံစားခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေျမနိမ့္ရာလွံစုိက္ဆုိသကဲ့သုိ႔လူနည္းစုမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိသာဘဂါၤလီဟုေခၚဆုိသမုတ္ျပီး၊ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးအႏုိင္က်င့္ေနပါသည္၊၊ လူသားစစ္စစ္ျဖစ္ပါလ်က္ လူ႔အခြင့္ အေရးဆုံးရွဳံးေနသည္မွာ ရင္နာစရာေကာင္းလွပါသည္၊၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတို႔ေနထုိင္ရာေဒသသည္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္႕ု ႏုိင္ငံနွင့္နယ္နိမိတ္ခ်င္းထိစပ္ေနေသာေၾကာင့္ ဘဂၤါလီဟုသတ္မွတ္ရမည္ဆုိပါက တျခားနယ္စပ္မွာေနထိုင္ေသာလူမ်ိဳးအာလုံးကုိမည္သုိ႔သတ္မွတ္ေခၚေဝၚမည္နည္း။ကမာၻ႔ႏုိင္ငံအသီးသီးမွာလည္း နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ေနထုိင္ေသာသူမ်ားစြာရိွပါသည္၊၊နယ္စပ္တြင္ေနထုိင္ေသာေၾကာင့္တဖက္ႏုိင္ငံသားဟုစြပ္စြဲ
ေနသည္မွာ ယုတၱိ မရွိပါ၊

ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အေပၚသစၥာရွိၿပီး၊ ႏိုင္ငံတာဝန္ကိုလည္းထမ္းေဆာင္ခြင့္ရရွိခဲ့ပါ သည္။ မန္မာနိုင္ငံတြင္ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမရွိပါ၊မၾကားဘူးပါဟုေျပာဆိုေနျခင္းမွာလိမ္လည္လွည့္ဖ်ားေနျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။၁၉၆၁ခုနွစ္ေမလ(၁၅)ရက္ေန့မွစ၍ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးစုကိုလူနည္းစုတခုအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလ်က္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဘာသာကိုျမန္မာ့အသံမွတပတ္လ်င္(၃)ၾကိမ္မွန္မွန္အသံလႊင့္ခဲ့သည္ကိုေထာက္ရွဳလွ်င္မည္သူမွ် ျငင္းနိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ။

ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏မူဝါဒ၊ သေဘာတရားေျပာင္းလဲသြားသည္ႏွင့္ တၿပိဳင္နက္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိ႔အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ဆံုးရွဳံးသြား ပါသည္၊၊ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအား ေမာင္းထုတ္ေရးစီမံခ်က္အျဖစ္ နဂါးမင္းစီမံခ်က္ကို ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ ေကာင္းေကာင္း ျဖင့္အကြက္ဆင္ကာတဖက္ႏုိင္ငံသုိ့ထြက္ေျပးသြားေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ယင္းစီမံခ်က္ ေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ႀကဳိတင္စီမံမွဳမ်ားအျဖစ္အေထာက္အထားေျမာက္မ်ားစြာေတြ႔ရွိနိုင္ပါသည္။ထိုစီမံခ်က္၏အဓိကရည္ရြယ္မွာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတို႔အားနိုင္ငံမဲ့ဘဝေရာက္ရွိေရးပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားမွာႏုိင္ငံမဲ့ဘဝသို႔ေရာက္ရွိျခင္းႏွင့့္အတူ သဘာဝေဘးဒဏ္ႏုိင္ငံသားမဟုတ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ အႏုိင္ က်င့္ေစာ္ကားမႈဒဏ္၊စားဝတ္ေနေရးဒဏ္စသည့္ဒဏ္အမ်ဳိးမ်ိဳးျဖင့္အလူးအလဲခံစားေနရပါသည္၊၊ႏုိင္ငံမဲ့ဘဝျဖင့္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာၾကာေနရမည္နည္း၊။

အမွန္တရားကုိျမတ္ႏုိးေသာလူလူခ်င္းညွာတာေတာက္ထားၿပီးစစ္မွန္ေသာဒီမုိကေရစီကိုလိုလားေတာင့္တေန
ေသာဒီမုိကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားသည္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးကုိပါဝင္ကူညီေပးမည္ဟုကၽြန္မတုိ႔ယုံၾကည္ပါသည္၊၊

ဆံုးရွံဳးမႈသည္ေအာင္ျမင္မႈအတြကအင္အားတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင့္ရုိဟငဂ်ာမ်ားသည္လည္းဆက္လက္ႀကဳိးစားရ ဦးမွာျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ေအာင္ပြဲဆိုသည္မွာလူသားတို႔အတြက္သာျဖစ္ပါသည္၊၊

ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအေရး ….. ဒို႔အေရး

ေဒၚခင္လွ။

ရက္စြဲ။ ။၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တဘၤာလ (၁၀) ရက္။

Author Daw Khin Hla is Retired Senior High School Teacher in Rangoon , Burma. She can be reached at dkhksa@gmail.com

အခင္ေအးေက်ာ္

နီေကာင္းပါယင့္လားအသူကေဂလွပါေရ..အဘူေခ်ကေဂလွပါေရ..ေဒတီးျခင္းကိုအခင္ဘီဘီစီမွာဆိုခစြာကိုအကၽႊန္ရို့ၾကားလိုက္ရပါေရ၊

ရခို္င္ျပီသားရခုိ္င္မ်ိဳးခ်စ္စိတ္အျပည့္ရိွနိန္သူကဇာျဖစ္လို.အေမရိကန္နိဳင္ငံသားခံယူလိုက္စြာလည္းစဥ္းစားလုိ႕မရပါ၊နဂိုကပင္ရခုိ္င္ျပီသားမစစ္လုိ႕ျဖစ္ပါယင့္၊
ရခုိ္င္စကားေျပာေဂ၊အေနာက္သားအသံထြက္ေဒ၊ဗမာစကားေျပာေဂေလေသာဗမာအသံစစ္စစ္မထြက္၊ဇာ ျဖစ္လုိ႕လည္း၊ အခင္ဘဂၤလီရခုိ္္င္သားျဖစ္လုိ႕မဟုတ္ပါလား၊အရုပ္ကလည္းဘဂၤလီအရုပ္ကံမေကာင္းလုိ႕ထင ္ပါေရ စိတ္ထားမေကာင္းလုိ႕၊ကံမေကာင္းစြာပါ၊

လူမ်ိဳးေရးမုန္းတီးစိတ္ကုိဇာျဖစ္လို႕ဆြပီးေနစြာပါလည္းရိုဟင္ဂ်ာနွင့္ရခုိင္အဓိကရုန္းျဖစ္ေအာင္ဖန္တီးေနစြာလားရခုိင္သားတိေတာင္ရခုိင္ျပီကထြက္ျပီးေဂနိန္ေနရေရမဟုတ္ပါလား၊

ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာနွင္႕ရခုိင္တိရန္သူူကမဟုတ္ပါ၊တျမီတည္းမွာနီလာစြာကေဂါင္းၾကာပါဗ်ာယ္မလာ း၊
အကၽြန္ရုိ႕ကဘဂၤလီလုံးဝမဟုတ္ပါရခုိင္ျပီမွာမႊီးဖြားခေရရုိဟင္ဂ်ာစစ္စစ္ပါရာ၊၊အခင္ေအးေက်ာ္ကုိေျပာခ်င္စြာကကမၻာတီနိန္သေရြ႕ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိစြာဟိနိန္ဖုိ႕ရာ၊စိတ္မ ပူူပါေဂ႕၊၊

အရက္သမားေအးခ်မ္းကသူ႕ကုိသူေတာင္အီးခ်မ္းမနိန္တတ္လုိ႕အရက္သမားဘဝျဖစ္လားဟစြာမလား ၊ယင္႕အတြက္နွင္႕ေျပာနိန္စြာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအေၾကာင္းမစဥ္းစားပါေဂ႕လုိ႕၊သတင္းစာမွာေအး

ခ ်မ္းကအစုိးရပုန္ကန္ဖုိ႕ၾကိုးစားနီ

ေရဆုိျပီးဖမ္းထားစြာကိုျမင္လုိက္ပါေရ၊ဓါတ္ပုံပါျမင္ဖူးပါေရ၊၊သမုိင္းဆရာရဲ႕ရာဇဝ င္ေကာင္းတပုဒ္ပါလား၊၊
အခုကမာၻၾကီးကအယင္ပုိင္မရိွ႕ပါဗ်ာယ္၊၊ေဒေလာက္တုိးတက္နိန္ေရေခတ္မွာအတီးႊအေခၚအယူအ ဆတိလည္းတုိးတက္ေခတ္မီွဖုိ႕လုိအပ္ပါေရ၊၊

အယင္ကရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမဟိလုိ႕ေျပာရုံနွင္႕ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတိေပ်ာက္လားဟစြာမဟုတ္၊၊အယင္လည္းဟိခ ေရ၊အခုလည္းရုွိနိန္ေရ..ေနာက္လည္းရွိနိန္ဖုိ႕ရာ၊

ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးအက်ြန္ရုိ႕အေရးပါ၊ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတာဝန္အက်ြန္ရုိ႕ယူနိုင္ပါေရ။ တျခားလူကုိမနာလုိေဂ၊ကုိယ္႕မွာလည္းအက်ိဳးရွိဖုိ႕မဟုတ္ဆုိစြာအခင္ရုိ႕မွာလည္းရွိသ င့္ပါေရ၊၊

မုဒိတာပြားနိုင္ၾကပါေစ၊၊

ေဒၚေမယုခင္ (ရခုိင္ျပည္သူ)

Author Daw Khin Hla is Retired Senior High School Teacher in Rangoon , Burma.

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Original letter , please click on image to view larger

ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အထူးကုိယ္စားလွယ္ Mr. Derek Mitchell

အေမရိကန္က ခန္႔အပ္ထားေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ Mr. Derek Mitchell သည္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၉ ရက္ေန႔က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ပထမဆုံးအႀကိမ္ လာေရာက္လည္ပတ္ခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အေမရိကန္က ပထမဆုံးအႀကိမ္ ခန္႔အပ္ခဲ့ေသာ မစ္ရွယ္သည္ စက္တင္ ဘာလ ၉ ရက္ေန႔က ေနျပည္ေတာ္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စု ၀န္ႀကီး ဦး၀ဏၰေမာင္လြင္ ႏွင့္ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့သည္။ မစ္ရွယ္သည္ အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္၊ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒မ်ား အပါအ၀င္ အျခား ထိပ္တန္း တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားႏွင့္ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့ၿပီး စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႔က ရန္ကုန္သို႔ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။

အေမရိကန္အစိုးရ၏ ပထမဆုံး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ႏွင့္ မူ၀ါဒေရးရာ ညႇိႏႈိင္းေရးမွဴး Mr. Derek Mitchell ႏွင့္အဖြဲ႕သည္ အမ်ဳိးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား အပါအ၀င္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု လႊတ္ေတာ္နာယက ဦးခင္ေအာင္ျမင့္အား စက္တင္ဘာလ ၉ ရက္ေန႔ နံနက္ ၉ နာရီ ၁၅ မိနစ္တြင္ အမ်ဳိးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ ဧည့္ခန္းမ၌ လာေရာက္ ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးမႈမွာ နာရီ၀က္ၾကာျမင့္ခဲ့သည္။

ထို႔ေနာက္ Mr. Derek Mitchell ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ အဖြဲ႕သည္ ယင္းေန႔ နံနက္ ၁၁ နာရီတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ရွိ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒၏ ခန္းမတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။ ယင္းသို႔ေတြ႕ဆံုရာတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဒုတိယဥကၠ႒ ဦးနႏၵေက်ာ္စြာႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ အခ်ဳိ႕လည္း တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရးျဖစ္ေပၚ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ၊ တုိးတက္မႈျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံ၏ သေဘာထားကို ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

မစ္ရွယ္သည္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၂ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံရန္ စီစဥ္ထားသည္။ မစ္ရွယ္သည္ အာရွႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မူ၀ါဒေရးရာမ်ားတြင္ အေတြ႕အႀကဳံ ရင့္က်က္သူတစ္ဦး ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဇြန္လက အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ၾကားနာစဥ္က ျမန္မာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ တိုက္႐ိုက္ ေတြ႕ဆုံသြားရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း အေမရိကန္ အေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေရး ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ရာတြင္ ေျပာင္းသာျပင္သာ ရွိသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားထားသည္။ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဂ်ာ့ဒဗလ်ဴဘုရွ္လက္ ထက္တြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အထူး ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ခန္႔အပ္ရန္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္မွ ထို ရာထူးကို ခန္႔ထားခြင့္ ရရွိခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး အျငင္းပြားမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ထိုအခ်ိန္က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ကို မခန္႔ အပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ေပ။ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ သမၼတ ဘားရက္အိုဘားမားအဖြဲ႕က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို အထီးက်န္ထား၍ ရည္ရြယ္ေသာ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူမႈမ်ား သည္ မထိေရာက္ေၾကာင္း သုံးသပ္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အေရးကို ကိုင္တြယ္မႈေျပာင္းလဲ ခဲ့သည္။

မစ္ရွယ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသို႔ မလာေရာက္မီ စင္ကာပူ စထရိတ္တိုင္းမ္သတင္းစာႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့ရာ တြင္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ဆက္လက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္မည္ဆိုပါက အေမရိကန္ ကလည္း တုံ႔ျပန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အသင့္ရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာအစိုးရသစ္သည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္တစ္ပတ္က လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မရွင္တစ္ရပ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းတည္ေထာင္ ခဲ့ၿပီး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္အတြက္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းခဲ့သည္။

မစ္ရွယ္အေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၌ ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ျပဳ ျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ား မည္ကဲ့သို႔ရွိသည္ကို ေတြ႕ျမင္ရႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေလ့လာသုံးသပ္သူမ်ားက ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ ယခုႏွစ္အတြင္း၌ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔ အေမရိကန္ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဂြၽန္မက္ကိန္း လာေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ မစ္ရွယ္၏ ခရီးစဥ္သည္ ဒုတိယေျမာက္ အေမရိကန္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတစ္ဦး၏ ခရီးစဥ္ျဖစ္သည္။

credit : eleven media

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