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နယ္က စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မိန္းကေလးေတြနဲ႔ လူငယ္ေလးေတြ ေရာက္လာတဲ့အခါတုိင္း ဒီေမးခြန္းကုိေမးတတ္ၾကတယ္။ စာစုံေအာင္ဖတ္ေလ့ရွိတဲ့ လူငယ္တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ "ေရႊျပည္ႀကီး ကုိေရာက္ၿပီလားအဘ"လုိ႔ ေမးၾကတယ္။

မွန္ရာကုိသာ ေျပာခ်င္
တစ္ခါက ေလာကပါလတရားနဲ႔ ျပည့္စုံတဲ့ေရႊျပည္ႀကီးကုိ ေရာက္ဖုိ႔မေ၀းေတာ့ပါဘူးလုိ႔ ေရးခဲ့ဖူးတာကုိ ရည္ညႊန္းၿပီး 'ရႊျပည္ႀကီး' ေရာက္ၿပီလားလုိ႔ ေမးတာပါ။ သူတုိ႔ဒီလုိေမးတာဟာ တကယ္သိခ်င္လုိ႔ေမးၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ခနဲ႔ၿပီး၊ ကလိၿပီးေမးတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အသက္အရြယ္ ငယ္ၾကေသးၿပီး အေတြ႕အၾကံဳႏုနယ္ၾကေလေတာ့ ေ၀ဖန္ပုိင္းျခားမႈမွာ အားနည္းၾကတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတုိ႔ယုံၾကည္ေလးစားမႈရွိတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္တစ္ေယာက္အျဖစ္ သေဘာထားၿပီး လာေရာက္ေမးျမန္းၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလုိလူငယ္ေလးေတြကုိ မွားယြင္းတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေတြမေပးခ်င္ဘူး။ အလိမၼာဖက္ၿပီး အဓိပၸာယ္ႏွစ္ခြထြက္တဲ့ ေယာင္၀ါး၀ါးစကားမ်ဳိးလည္း မေျပာခ်င္ဘူး။ မ်က္မွန္စိမ္းတပ္ၿပီး ၾကည့္တဲ့အဆုိးျမင္သက္သက္ စကားေတြေျပာၿပီး သူရဲေကာင္းလည္းမလုပ္ခ်င္ဘူး။ သူတုိ႔ေလးေတြရဲ႕ ယုံၾကည္ေလးစားမႈကုိ တန္ဖုိးထားၿပီး ကုိယ္ျမင္တဲ့အတုိင္း မွန္ရာကုိသာေျပာခ်င္တယ္။

ရပ္ၾကည့္ေနလုိ႔မျဖစ္ဘူး
"ဒီမုိကေရစီမရေသးပါဘူး။ အခုမွဒီမုိကေရစီလမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚကုိ ေျခတစ္လွမ္းခ်မိ႐ုံပဲရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ေရွ႕ဆက္ၿပီး ေျခလွမ္းသြက္သြက္ လွမ္းႏုိင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ အားလုံး၀ုိင္းၿပီး လမ္းရွင္းတာေတြ၊ ခ်ဳံႏြယ္ပိတ္ေပါင္း ဖယ္ရွားေပးတာေတြ လုပ္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ကုိယ္နဲ႔မဆုိင္ဘူးဆုိၿပီး ေဘးကရပ္ၾကည့္ေနလုိ႔ေတာ့ မျဖစ္ဘူး"
ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုတည္ေဆာက္ရာမွာ တစ္တုိင္းတစ္ျပည္လုံး တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြနဲ႔ ၀ုိင္း၀န္းလုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကဖို႔လုိတယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုမပါ၀င္ရင္ ဘယ္စနစ္မွ မေအာင္ျမင္ဘူးဆုိတာ ႏွစ္ ၅၀ သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းက သက္ေသျပၿပီးျဖစ္တယ္။ အရင္ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာ့ဆုိရွယ္လစ္စနစ္တုိ႔၊ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္တုိ႔ဆုိတာေတြကုိ ျပည္သူကလက္မခံတဲ့အတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္မႈမျပဳဘဲေနခဲ့လုိ႔ အဲဒီစနစ္ေတြမေအာင္ခဲ့ဘူး။

ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့မ်က္လုံးမ်ား
အခုေတာ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ကုိ သြားမယ္လုိ႔ အတိအလင္းေျပာဆုိထားတာေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုက ရင္ထဲမွာသေဘာက်ႏွစ္ၿခိဳက္ေနၾကတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏွစ္ ၅၀ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳကရွိေနေလေတာ့ သံသယစိတ္ကုိ ေဖ်ာက္လုိ႔မရေသးဘူး။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္အကဲခတ္ခ်င္ေသးတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့ မ်က္လုံးေတြေအာက္မွာ ေျခလွမ္းမွန္မွန္ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းႏုိင္ဖုိ႔၊ အထူးသတိထားဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳမ်ားအရ အခြင့္ထူးခံလူတန္းစားနဲ႔ အပယ္ခံလူတန္းစားဆုိၿပီး ကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈရွိေနရင္ ဘယ္နည္းနဲ႔မွ ဒီမုိကေရစီပန္းတုိင္ကုိ မေရာက္ႏုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ ေထာက္ျပခ်င္တယ္။

ျပည္တြင္းစစ္နဲ႔ ျခစားမႈ
၁၉၄၈ က ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ၾကားမွာ ဒီမုိကေရစနစ္က်င့္သုံးတဲ့ အစိုးရေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ရည္မွန္းတဲ့အတုိင္း ဒီမုိကေရစီပန္းတုိင္ကုိ မေရာက္ခဲ့ဘဲ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္မွာ စစ္တပ္က အာဏာသိမ္းပြဲျဖစ္ၿပီး အဆုံးသတ္သြားခဲ့တယ္။ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ မေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့သလဲဆုိေတာ့ အဓိကအခ်က္ႀကီးႏွစ္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္လုိ႔ ယူဆတယ္။ ပထမအခ်က္က တစ္ျပည္လုံးအႏွံ႔ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ႀကီးတုိက္ခိုက္ေနရတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒုတိယအခ်က္ကေတာ့ အာဏာရဖဆပလအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးအတြင္း အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈေတြ တစ္ေန႔တျခား ႀကီးထြားသထက္ႀကီးထြားလာၿပီး သူတစ္လူငါတစ္မင္းနဲ႔ ထိန္းမႏုိင္သိမ္းမရအေျခအေနထိ ဆုိက္ေရာက္သြားတာျဖစ္တယ္။

ျခတြင္းႀကီးတစ္ခု
အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈက ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိ ဆုိး၀ါးသလဲဆုိရင္ ဖဆပလအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ဥကၠ႒ျဖစ္တဲ့ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဦးႏုကုိယ္တုိင္က "ဖဆပလအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးဟာ ျခတြင္းႀကီးတစ္ခုလုိျဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ ထင္း႐ွဴးေသတၱာတစ္လုံး ပစ္ခ်လုိက္ရင္ ျခေတြ ၀ုိင္းစားၾကလုိ႔ မ်က္စိတစ္မွိတ္အတြင္းမွာ ျမင္ကြင္းက ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားသလုိ အေျခအေနမ်ဳိးထိ ဆုိက္ေရာက္ေနၿပီ"လုိ႔ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာၾကားရတဲ့အထိ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီလုိေျပာၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ဦးႏုဟာ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဘ၀က အနားယူၿပီး ဖဆပလျပန္လည္တည္ေဆာက္ေရးကုိ ေဇာက္ခ်လုပ္ဖုိ႔ ဖဆပလဥကၠ႒တာ၀န္တစ္ခုတည္း ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဒုတိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးဘေဆြကုိ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ တာ၀န္လႊဲေပးခဲ့တယ္။

စသုံးလုံးဘုတ္အဖြဲ႔ႀကီးဖြဲ႔
အဲဒီေနာက္ ဦးခ်မ္းသာကုိ ဥကၠ႒ေနရာမွာ တာ၀န္ေပးၿပီး အထူးစုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႕(စစစ)ဆုိတဲ့ ဘုတ္အဖြဲ႕ကုိ ဖြဲ႕စည္းခဲ့တယ္။ စီးပြားေရးမသမာမႈေတြနဲ႔ လာဘ္ေပးလာဘ္ယူမႈေတြကုိခ်ည္း ကုိင္တြယ္စစ္ေဆးဖုိ႔ အထူးတာ၀န္ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ အစုိးရဌာနဆုိင္ရာ ၀န္ထမ္းႀကီးငယ္မ်ားအၾကား လာဘ္ေပးလာဘ္ယူကိစၥေတြ ေဖာ္ထုတ္စစ္ေဆးၿပီး ေထာင္ခ်အျပစ္ေပးခဲ့တာေတြ ရွိတန္သေလာက္ရွိခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ျခတြင္းႀကီးကေတာ့ ရွိျမဲရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။ လာဘ္ေပးလာဘ္ယူမႈေတြလည္း ရွိေနတာပါပဲ။ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ ျခစားမႈကိစၥေတြက ၀န္ထမ္းအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြၾကားမွာ စတင္သေႏၶတည္ခဲ့တာမဟုတ္ဘဲ ဖဆပလအစုိးရ အဖြဲ႕ႀကီးရဲ႕ ထိပ္ဆုံးေနရာေတြမွာစတင္ သေႏၶတည္ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္တယ္။

လုိင္စင္ေခတ္
အဲဒီေခတ္က ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ပုဂၢလိက စီးပြားေရးစနစ္ဆုိေပမယ့္ တုိင္းျပည္ထူေထာင္စအခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ သြင္းကုန္ထုတ္ကုန္လုပ္ငန္းေတြကုိ အစုိးရက ႀကီးၾကပ္ထားၿပီး လုိင္စင္ရသူမ်ားကုိသာ သြင္းခြင့္ထုတ္ခြင့္ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာျခစားမႈေတြ စတင္သေႏၶတည္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဖဆပလ၀န္ႀကီးေတြက သူတုိ႔ကုိ ရန္ပုံေငြဆုိၿပီး ပံ့ပုိးေငြမ်ားမ်ားေပးတဲ့ ျမန္မာကုန္သည္ေတြနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔နီးစပ္သူေတြကုိ လုိင္စင္ခ်ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီလူေတြအမ်ားစုက တကယ္အေရာင္းအ၀ယ္ လုပ္ၾကတာမဟုတ္ဘဲ၊ လုိင္စင္ေလွ်ာက္ခြင့္မျပဳတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္နဲ႔ကုလားကုမၸဏီႀကီးေတြလက္ထဲ လုိင္စင္ကုိ လက္လႊဲေရာင္းခ်လုိက္ၾကတယ္။

အခြင့္ထူးခံနဲ႔အပယ္ခံ
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ကစၿပီး အခြင့္ထူးခံ (လုိင္စင္ရ)လူတန္းစားနဲ႔ အပယ္ခံလူတန္းစားဆုိၿပီး ကုန္သည္ေလာကမွာ ေပၚေပါက္လာတယ္။ အပယ္ခံလူတန္းစားေတြကလည္း သူတုိ႔စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ႏိုင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ ပုံစံအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ အစုိးရစက္ယႏၲရားႀကီးအတြင္း ထုိးေဖာက္၀င္ေရာက္ၿပီး အခြင့္အေရးရေအာင္ လုပ္ၾကတယ္။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ပဲ ျခတြင္းႀကီးဟာ ျပန္႔သထက္ျပန္႔၊ က်ယ္သထက္က်ယ္လာၿပီး ႏွိမ္နင္းလုိ႔မႏုိင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနထိေရာက္သြားတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆုံးက်ေတာ့ ဖဆပလအစိုးရႀကီးနဲ႔အတူ ဒီမုိကေရစီပန္းတုိင္ပါ လုံး၀ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားခဲ့ရတယ္။

ေလမဟုတ္ အလုပ္နဲ႔ျပ
အခုအစုိးရသစ္က ဒီမုိကေရစီလမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚ ေျခလွမ္းစတင္ခ်တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈအားလုံးရဲ႕ အရင္းအျမစ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ အခြင့္ထူးခံလူတန္းစားနဲ႔ အပယ္ခံလူတန္းစားဆုိၿပီး ကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈကုိ အထူးသတိထား ေရွာင္ၾကဥ္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္လုိ႔ အၾကံျပဳခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြအားလုံးနဲ႔ ကမၻာတစ္ခုလုံးက ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့ သံသယမ်က္လုံးေတြကုိ ဖယ္ရွားႏိုင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြအားလုံး "ေလမဟုတ္အလုပ္နဲ႔ သက္ေသျပ"ဖုိ႔ လုိပါတယ္။ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီမရေသးပါဘူး။ ျပည္သူေတြအားလုံး ဒီမုိကေရစီအခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ ပီပီျပင္ျပင္မခံစားရေသးပါဘူး။

ေနစရာမရွိတဲ႔၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္
ဒီလုိေျခလွမ္းျပင္စရွိေသးတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အစုိးရ၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္၊ တရားစီရင္ေရးဆုိတဲ့ ယႏၲရားႀကီးသုံးရပ္စလုံးမွာ ပါ၀င္ၾကသူမွန္သမွ်၊ ျပည္သူေတြ မခံစားရေသးတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီအခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ အခြင့္ထူးခံယူခြင့္မျပဳဖုိ႔ သတိထားဆင္ျခင္ၾကသင့္တယ္။ အေၾကာင္းတုိက္ဆုိင္လုိ႔ ေခါင္းထဲမွာစြဲေနတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းေလးတစ္ခုကုိ ေျပာျပပါရေစ။ ၾကာေတာ့ၾကာပါၿပီ။ ႏုိင္ငံျခားက သတင္းတစ္ပုဒ္ဖတ္မိခဲ့တာပါ။ အဂၤလန္ႏုိင္ငံက ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ အက္ဒ၀ပ္ဟိသ္ (Edward Health) ဟာ ေလဘာပါတီက ဟာ႐ိုး၀ီလဆင္ (Harold Wilson)ကုိ ႐ႈံးနိမ့္ၿပီး ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ရာထူးက ဆင္းေပးရပါတယ္။ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္စံအိမ္အမွတ္ ၁၀ ေဒါင္းနင္းလမ္းက ဖယ္ေပးရမယ့္ရက္မွာ ေနစရာအိမ္မရွိလုိ႔ ဖယ္မေပးႏုိင္ဘူးျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။

သူလုိျဖစ္ၾကရင္ေကာင္းမွာပဲ
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ သူ႔မိတ္ေဆြတစ္ေယာက္က လန္ဒန္မွာရွိတဲ့ သူပုိင္အိမ္ခန္းတစ္ခန္းမွာ ေခတၱေနထုိင္ဖုိ႔ေပးခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ လူပ်ဳိႀကီးျဖစ္တဲ့ မစၥတာဟိသ္ဟာ တစ္ေယာက္တည္းေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေနထုိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခန္းက ခပ္ေသးေသးဆုိေတာ့ သူပုိင္ပစၥည္းေတြ ထားစရာမရွိလုိ႔ တျခားမိတ္ေဆြတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ ေတာပုိင္းက စံအိမ္မွာ ပုိ႔ထားရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီသတင္းေလး ဖတ္ခဲ့ရတာၾကာလွၿပီျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ခုအခ်ိန္ထိ ေခါင္းထဲမွာမွတ္မိေနပါေသးတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြအားလုံး မစၥတာဟိသ္လုိ ျဖစ္ၾကရင္ေကာင္းမွာပဲလုိ႔ စိတ္ထဲမွာ ေအာက္ေမ့မိပါတယ္။

ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိမွခ်န္မထားဘူး
ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကုိသာေျပာၿပီး ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြေတာ့ မေျပာေတာ့ဘူးလားလုိ႔ ေမးႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ေျပာမွာပါ။ အျမင္မေတာ္ရင္ ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိမွ ခ်န္မထားပါ ဘူး။ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြကုိ ေျပာခ်င္တာကေတာ့ တုိင္းျပည္က ဒီမုိကေရစီႏုိင္ငံမျဖစ္ေသးပါဘူး။ ျပည္သူေတြထက္ထူးၿပီး ဒီမုိကေရစီအခြင့္အေရးေတြ မယူခ်င္ပါနဲ႔။ ျပည္သူေတြ အားလုံးလြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္နဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ ၀ယ္စီးခ်င္တဲ့ေမာ္ေတာ္ကား ၀ယ္မစီးႏိုင္ေသးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ကုိယ္ကအခြင့္ထူး လုိခ်င္တာမ်ဳိး၊ ကား၀ယ္ခြင့္ေပးပါလုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိတာမ်ဳိးမလုပ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေတြလည္း အတူတူပါပဲ။ အခြင့္ထူးခံ လူတန္းစားမျဖစ္ခ်င္ပါနဲ႔။

ကုိယ္က်ဳိးေရွ႔တန္းတင္လြန္း
ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ႔အားလုံးလုပ္ရမွာက ဒီမုိကေရစီပန္းတုိင္ကုိ ျမန္ျမန္ေရာက္ဖုိ႔ ၀ုိင္းႀကိဳးစားၾကဖုိ႔ျဖစ္တယ္။ တုိင္းျပည္က ဒီမုိကေရစီ မရေသးခင္မွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီရၿပီးမွ လုပ္ရမယ့္ အလုပ္ေတြကုိ လုပ္တာဟာ  ကုိယ္က်ဳိးစီးပြား ေရွ႕တန္းတင္လြန္းရာက်တယ္။ အခြင့္ထူးခံလူတန္းစားနဲ႔ အပယ္ခံလူတန္းစား ကြဲျပားမႈႀကီးမားလြန္းရာက ျခတြင္းႀကီးအျဖစ္ေရာက္ရွိသြားၿပီး ဖဆပလအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးနဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီပန္းတုိင္ႀကီးပါ နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္သြားရတာကုိ မေမ့ၾကဖုိ႔ သတိေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။

Credit:Eleven Media

ယေန႔ ( စက္တင္ဘာ-၁၀၊ ၂၀၁၁ )ညေန ၄နာရီ အခ်ိန္က အေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စု နယူးေယာက္ၿပည္နယ္ ဘတ္ဖဲလုိးၿမိဳ႕မွာ..ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားလြတ္ေၿမာက္ေရးနွင္႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား၏ ေထာင္တြင္း ရပ္တည္ေနထုိင္မႈ႕မ်ားကုိ သရုပ္ေဖာ္ၿပသသည္႔ အခန္းနားတရပ္က်င္းပခဲ႔ပါသည္။ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာအာဏာပုိင္မ်ားႏွင္႔ စိတ္၀င္စားသူမ်ားတက္ေရာက္အားေပးႀကည္႔ရႈခဲ႔ၿပီး..တက္ေရာက္လာသူမ်ားမွ.သိလုိသည္႔ေမးခြန္းမ်ားကုိေမးၿမန္းရာတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားက ၿပန္လည္ေၿဖႀကားေပးခဲ႔ပါသည္။ ယင္းသရုပ္ေဖာ္ တင္ဆက္သည္႔ အခန္းနားတင္ဆက္ရၿခင္း၏ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကုိ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ( လြတ္ေၿမာက္နယ္ေၿမ-အေမရိကန္ )၏ ဥကၠဌ ၿဖစ္သူ ဦးမ်ိဳးသန္႔မွ ရွင္းလင္းေၿပာႀကားရာတြင္...
“ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဒီအခန္းနားကုိတင္ဆက္ရၿခင္းရဲ႕အဓိက ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကေတာ႔... ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္..ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ႏွစ္ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ရွိေႀကာင္း...ယင္းႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားမွာ ေန႔စဥ္နဲ႔အမွ် ဒုကၡဆုိးမ်ားနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရေႀကာင္း... ယင္းတုိ႔လႊတ္ေၿမာက္ေရးအတြက္... အားလုံး၀ိုင္း၀န္းကူညီႀကရန္...ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား အမွန္တကယ္ရွိေႀကာင္း ကမၻာက သိရွိရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မ်ားၿဖင္႔ က်င္းပရၿခင္းၿဖစ္ေႀကာင္းေၿပာႀကားခဲ႔ပါသည္။






 By Foreda Begum

There is no measurement to the amount of injustice the Rohingya people have endured and continue to endure. It seems that wherever they turn to for hope seems to shatter before their eyes; Burma has disowned them as a national 'people' so living in a state of constant fear for most of the Rohingyas was not an option- it is reported that 1 million out of the 3 million Rohingyas have fled Burma to seek a new home elsewhere.
Bangladesh is the country which most Rohingyas sought to for a new beginning and a chance to build their life again free from injustice - 250,000 fled to Bangladesh during the years 1978 and 1991 and only 28,000 of those are 'registered' refugees who live in the official refugee camps in the Cox Bazaar district of Nayapura and Kutupalong. The rest, the unregistered Rohingya are now made to live in the make shift camp - but is it through their own choice or has the Bangladeshi officials and government constructed life for the Rohingyas so hard that they had no choice?

How the make shift refugee camp was created

The unregistered refugees dispersed and dwelled among the local population and they were marginally vulnerable to being exploited and exposed to injustices however things took a turn for the worst in 2009 as the Rohingyas were at the centre of hatred and make shift camps were the only place of safety in the Rohingyas eyes, so most of them relocated to the makeshift camps. One makeshift camp was already created in the Leda village but since 2009 'as a consequence of eviction against self settled' Rohingyas, more and more of the unregistered refugees moved to the make shift camp and thus a new make shift camp in Kutupalong was created just opposite the official refugee camp. It seems that every move the unregistered refugees made was already preconceived and part of a greater plan constructed by the local officials, the government and the BDR (Bangladesh Border force) pieced together for an end goal of to get rid of the Rohingyas.

Big Brother is watching you

Xenophobia is one of the ways the government manoeuvred the Rohingya s every step as the Rohingyas made vital decisions not knowing that this is exactly what the government and local officials want them to do. Xenophobia is an extreme form of racism; its feeling is conjured inside and built upon from fear and paranoia of foreign people and made sure that the Rohingyas did not mix with the locals. The Bangladeshi officials created hysteria amongst the locals by using the media to make them reject the Rohingyas so that they had no choice but to move to the make shift camp because it is the only place they would feel they'll be 'accepted'. Once the Rohingyas made the decision to migrate to the make shift camp or were forced to move there after the massive crackdown operation, life did not get easier in the slightest.
The worst thing that could happen to a Rohingya person was being imprisoned or to be sent back to Burma; in one way or another both were happening. In the process of the crackdown, many were imprisoned however nothing could compare to how life was in the make shift camp, it was like prison but without any tangible constraints. If any point a Rohingya person wanted to leave the camp, they were punished or imprisoned.
Being sent back to Burma was more daunting than ever once they Rohingyas reached the make shift camp because of its close proximity to the border. BDR took it upon themselves to push back the Rohingyas over the border back to Burma despite it being an international law which condemns this known as the Non-Refoulement. The push backs started in late 2007 and it was reported that 2200 Rohingyas were forcibly pushed back to Burma between mid 2009 and early 2010- its puzzling to realise that no matter how hard life is in the make shift camp, they would not trade it for a day back in Burma, Despite the dire severity of life in the make shift camp and the they know of the daily sufferings they endure, Burma is the sole reason why they are in this position in the first place and so resentment towards Burma is skin deep.
Employment was another vital means which was controlled and made severely difficult; only way to make money was to get out of the camp which was near enough impossible as the local officials had placed a temporary checkpoint between Kutupalong and Teknaf, the next village in the district. The only other source of income was to collect firewood from the forest which access was controlled too. With money scarce, children and old women resort to begging to the opposite refugee camp.
For the Rohingyas the make a shift camp was the last resort but they felt it was the only 'safe' place that was left for them. Little did they know that this make shift camp would be a sort of modern day concentration camp where access to the most basic means was not made possible which quite possibly is the worse kind of imprisonment.

Source.Lewa C, The Arakan Project 11th February 2010, Unregistered Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh: crackdown, forced displacement and hunger, Bangkok
The recent landmark talks between democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein may have set the pace for significant reforms but much will depend on the government releasing political prisoners, perhaps in stages.


AFP
File pictures of Thein Sein (L) and Aung San Suu Kyi.

Like most things in Burma, news takes a while to seep out—even in the case of the historic meeting between President Thein Sein and the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw recently. While the Nobel Peace Laureate declared herself happy with the outcome, she has revealed few details of their talks.

But some things are beginning to emerge which indicate that this meeting was far more significant that most analysts have so far suggested.

In Burma everything has to be gleaned for the appearances and formalities of the process, rather than for anything that is said. There were important public indicators that this meeting was highly significant—even if the first-ever meeting between the pro-democracy leader and the president was important in itself.

The two met privately—"four-eyes," as Asian diplomats like to call it—for a little over an hour. Few others have had that kind of access to the Burmese leader.

Atmospherics are always important, and both came out of the meeting relaxed and smiling. More importantly, a photo of General Aung San was hanging in the presidential palace in which they met. This was no accident, Burmese government officials have told me. It was purposely hung to show that the president regards Aung San Suu Kyi’s father as the founder of the country.

In the past decade, former ruling general Than Shwe has tried to obliterate his name and image. But Thein Sein has pointedly shown his respect for the independence hero."It was important to show the Lady that we are willing to work with her," said a government official close to the president.

But the other message was that she is seen as an important public figure, rather than as a politician or leader of the National League for Democracy. In the meeting, Thein Sein talked about the role she could play in the future, according to sources in Naypyidaw.

It was not a negotiation, but a trust-building meeting in which both leaders laid out some scenarios that could help the process of genuine reform and democracy take root. Thein Sein assured the pro-democracy leader that although her party is currently illegal, it would left alone and she would be free to travel wherever she wants.

Of course the issue of political prisoners was high on the agenda for the pro-democracy leader, who told her host that there could be no movement forward without their release first. Thein Sein knows that this is also the key to improved relations with the outside world—and even with their neighbours and supporters in ASEAN. It would certainly smooth the path to Burma being confirmed as ASEAN chairman for 2014 later this year.

Aung San Suu Kyi promised to consider making concessions too, though not necessarily as a quid pro quo. The two main compromises on the table are asking Washington to lift its ban on funding United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) operations in Burma and allowing UNDP to boost its presence in the country.

Secondly she is believed to have offered to approve the full entry of international financial institutions—the Asian Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund—into the country as an exception to the current sanctions policies of the West.

This would be very important, as it would help the government solve some of its economic priorities—getting training and expertise, allowing a significant transfer of know-how, building much-needed infrastructure, and reducing the country’s international isolation. But the key to this is the release of political prisoners, which remains a delicate and fraught matter.

Than Shwe has made it clear on at least two occasions—just after the elections last year and again earlier this year before Thein Sein took over the reins of government—that the release of political prisoners and jailed military intelligence officers was not an option. Both Thura Shwe Man and Maung Aye tried to convince him to make the gesture, but he remained entrenched. Of course, the recent motion to free political prisoners adopted by parliament by a large majority may have set the seal on the release of some them at least in the near future.

The most important thing to come out of the meeting may be the personal warmth that has developed between the two. There are several private matters that the two exchanged views on, according to sources in the Burmese government. Thein Sein has intervened to save the house in which Aung San and his family lived in Pymina, while he was leading the battle against the British.

It is run down and was about to be demolished. Thein Sein intervened recently to ensure the building is left standing and is reportedly paying for its refurbishment. Aung San Suu Kyi has reportedly sent the president an old photo of the house with her standing outside it when she was a very young child in appreciation for his actions.

So it seems certain that the meeting between the two was very successful and may have set the scene for significant changes in the future, including a role for Aung San Suu Kyi, though not in the recently formed peace committee. But whether the next big step is taken will depend on Thein Sein and the government releasing political prisoners, perhaps progressively.

If Thein Sein does move forward, the comedian Zarganar, the Shan leader Khun Htun Oo, and the 88 student leader Min Ko Naing must be in the first batch released.

Larry Jagan is a former BBC regional correspondent who is based in Bangkok and has extensively covered Burma issues.
Credit : RFA
Dated :09/09/2011
Ref : frc-rec 025/02/2011 

On behalf of the entire Rohingya community, we strongly condemn the recent blast out side the Delhi High Court on September 7, 2011 which caused more than (10) persons dead and other (61) are wounded. 

The reporter Rahul Bedi from Delhi informed to the Telegraph as Harkat-ul-Jehad-al-Islami – Bangladesh (HuJI-B) has claimed responsibility. 

In his message, Rahul stated that the (HuJI-B) gives arms and explosive training to Rohingya community in Bangladesh. We frequently found such allegations from some Indian writers but hard to realize why they are trying to link terrorism issue with the poor, world most and long suffering Rohingya. 

Rohingya is one of the communities that descended from Indian communities by mixing with Arabs, Persians and Mongols whose native is Arakan. Because of being Indian-Bengali descents the Burmese denied them of being indigenous in Burma. Through 1982 citizenship law they are openly denied to right the citizenship in Burma and immeasurable crimes against humanity including systematic ethic cleansing are practiced against them under Burmese regime for nearly half a century which caused half of the Rohingya population fled to outside the country where they are living in many subhuman conditions with hard breathing. 

A few Rohingya established some insurgent groups with the purpose of fight for getting back their rights which is a consequence of Burmese persecutions and left no option for them to solve in other ways. But they were crushed down and swept out from the border area by the Bangladeshi security forces since 2003 and unregistered refugees and boat people are strong evidences of unanimous persecution in Burma. 

The persecutions inside Burma became in a measure of highest but the Rohingya are still suffered beyond the limit such as killings, detention on fault allegations, rapes, restrictions on religion, business, travelling, education, marriage, owning properties even they don’t have rights to repair their home without permission. Still Rohingya never offended any of such crimes as blasting bombs, fighting by holding guns. 

Above scenario are huge evidences to say Rohingya has no relationship with any of the terrorist groups and all the allegations that mentioned in the message of Rahul and the Telegraph is groundless. 

We abhorrently reject the accusation against Rohingya as they have links with HuJI-B or any other group that threatening regional stability and would like to know the international community as Rohingya is a peace loving community seeking a safety heaven for a time beings unless there have been not a grantee safety life and grantee for their lives and properties with all fundamental rights in Burma. 


Ko Ko Linn, 
Co-Founder and Contributor
Free Rohingya Campaign (FRC)
E-mail :kokolinn@freerohingyacampaign.com
www.freerohingyacampaign.com





US Ambassador to Thailand Kristie Kenney in Phuekt today rated highly the work done by US embassy wardens throughout the country.
US Ambassador to Thailand Kristie Kenney in Phuket today rated highly the work done by US embassy wardens throughout the country.
PHUKET: Highlighting the role of wardens as her embassy’s “eyes and ears” in Thailand, United States Ambassador Kristie Kenney today affirmed that tourist safety was among the top priorities of her mission.

Amb Kenney’s comments came during a day trip to Phuket, which included a visit to the offices of the Phuket Gazette and a closed-door meeting with the island’s top-ranking police officer, Maj Gen Pekad Tantipong.

Speaking to the press at the Software Park on the outskirts of Phuket Town, Amb Kenney touched on a wide variety of topics, ranging from women in high positions of responsibility and Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s responsibility to her voters, to tourist safety in Thailand to Rohingya refugees.

With reference to the quarterly meetings of Phuket’s honorary consuls with the island’s top officials, Amb Kenney upheld the US Government’s system of “volunteer wardens”.

“The system of wardens works well for us. The United States does not use the honorary consul system anywhere in the world.

“Wardens often help in dealing with local issues. They are our eyes and ears,” she said.

She went on to highlight the role of embassy wardens in providing assistance to Americans in need.

“About half a million Americans come though here each year, and about 14 [US Navy] ships [have called here] so far this year. That’s a lot of people coming here and we want to make sure that they are safe,” she said.

The guided-missile destroyer USS Kidd is currently at Phuket’s Deep Sea Port. The Gazette has been told that the USS Kidd is due to set sail tomorrow, immediately before the arrival of the USS Ford.

Speaking on the plight of Rohingya refugees – and acknowledging that she was aware of a boat loaded with Rohingya refugees landing in Phuket earlier this year, Ambassador Kenney said, “People who are fleeing persecution need and require humane treatment. These are vulnerable populations.

“It is not easy for any nation to deal with people who cross your borders because your country is safer.

“With cases not handled well, we go in and talk about what needs to be done. Sometimes it is an awareness issue. Sometimes there are people in the military or the police who have no idea know what to do when a boatload of people who speak a different language show up on your shores.
“It is our responsibility to remind them that nations have a responsibility to be compassionate and caring, but these are not easy issues, particularly for Thailand, which has had decades of being a home to refugees because they have been a compassionate home for so many years,” she said.


Credit : Chutarat Plerin , Phuket, Thailand

Is Nobel Peace Prize winner and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi the best hope for freedom in Myanmar?




Credit :
 By Zin Linn>>

At the invitation of the government of Myanmar (Burma) for peace talks, “Wa” Special Region (2) that is willing to make peace with the government held discussions with State level Peace-Making Committee formed by Shan State government at Kengtung on 6 September 2011, the New Light of Myanmar said today.

Representatives of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the NDAA (the Mongla group) met with the government counterparts in Kengtung, Shan State, on Tuesday and Wednesday, respectively, for the first talks between the government and the two ethnic ceasefire groups. Another armistice talk with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) failed in June.
National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) or Mongla group said the meeting held between its delegates and the government’s representatives yesterday was promising, quoting sources from the Mongla group, Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) reported.
According to SHAN, the two sides met in the capital of Shan State East, Kengtung, following government’s 28 August invitation letter to Mongla for peace talks. The NDAA sent over 10 members led by Vice Chairman Hsan Per and its general secretary Sao Hsengla while the Burmese side was led by Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP) general secretary U Aung Thaung (Chairman of the Banks and Monetary Development Committee), and U Thein Zaw (Chairman of the National Race Affairs and Internal Peace-making Committee).
As reported by the New Light of Myanmar, the meeting with UWSA was attended by Chairman of Shan State Peace-Making Committee Col Aung Thu (Minister of Shan State Security and Border Affairs) and members, Shan State Advocate-General U Maung Maung, Col Zaw Tun Myint of Triangle Region Command, Coordinator U Aung Kyaw Myint of Department for Border Region Development of Shan State, Leader of Peace-Making Committee of “Wa” Special Region (2) CEC member U Kyauk Kwan Am and members CEC members U Pauk Yu Lyan and U Aung Myint.
After the meeting, initial agreements for cooperation of ensuring peace and stability and development of Wa Region and related areas was signed and both sides agreed to continue to hold peace talks with Peace-Making Committee that will be formed by Union Government.
A new 5 point proposal was presented by the government representatives. They are, (1) No hostilities between the two sides; (2) To reopen liaison offices on both side; (3) To maintain Mongla’s autonomous status; (4) To inform each other in advance if one side is entering the other side’s territory carrying arms; (5) To form a joint liaison committee as soon as possible.
According to ethnic sources, before their meetings with Aung Thaung and Thein Zaw in Kengtung, Wa and Mongla officials met with Chinese officials in Panghsang and Mongla to discuss the ongoing tension on the Border Guard Force between the ethnic armed groups and the Burmese government.
According to SHAN, one statement issued by UWSA on 19 March in Burmese states, “Existing differences and contradictions should be managed by Political Dialogue, Discussion on Equal Footing and Peaceful Resolution. We will oppose any settlements through intimidation and military means.”
On the other hand, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) dismissed the government’s 18-August peace-talk offer. It was sacked by the KIO and the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) since the government uses just bilateral meeting which in fact is a divide-and-rule policy towards ethnic groups devoid of the Panglong Agreement.
Currently, KIO declared that it will talk through the ethnic alliance, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), maintaining the values of the Panglong Agreement.
It has not been confirmed so far whether the KIO and Burmese delegation led by Colonel Than Aung have reached an agreement, with Kachin sources saying further talks between the two sides were likely in the event of a standoff.
The KIO has offered to end ongoing warfare if the government will commence talks for a nationwide ceasefire. But Burmese government authorities did not show any positive signal, according to La Nang, a spokesman for the KIO.
There is a question on government’s unusual approach towards UWSA and NDAA who seem to be more close to China. The government deals with the KIO in a different way. It uses more military pressure on KIO. Issue of KIO must also be addressed by means of dialogue rather than arms.
Many political analysts believe that Burma needs extensive international encouragement for political change, starting free political prisoners plus nationwide ceasefire for true reconciliation. In addition, they also comment, it is impossible to alleviate poverty of the country without stopping the ongoing civil war.



အမ်ားျပည္သူၾကားထဲ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ပံုႏွိပ္ျဖန္႔ခ်ိခြင့္ မရခဲ့တဲ့ သမိုင္း၀င္ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပံု ပါတဲ့ စာအုပ္တအုပ္ကို ဒီကေန႔ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၈ ရက္ေန႔မွာ စတင္ ျဖန္႔ခ်ိလိုက္ပါၿပီ။ ျမန္မာ့လြတ္လပ္ေရး ဗိသုကာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း အေၾကာင္း ေရးသားထားတဲ့ စာအုပ္တအုပ္ထဲမွာ သမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပုံကုိပါ ပံုႏွိပ္ျဖန္႔ခ်ိခြင့္ ရခဲ့တာပါ။ အျပည့္အစံုကို ကိုေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္သိန္းက တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ မိတ္ေဆြေတြ၊ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကိုင္ဘက္ေတြ စသျဖင့္ စာေရးဆရာေတြ ေရးသားခဲ့တဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါး ၅၇ ပုဒ္ကို စုစည္းၿပီးေတာ့ ‘ေအာင္ဆန္းေနာ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနာ္၊ ေတဇေနာ္’ ဆိုတဲ့ စာအုပ္ထဲမွာ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပံုကိုပါ ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားတာပါ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ ဘ၀တေလွ်ာက္ ေခတ္အသီးသီးကို ထင္ဟပ္တဲ့ ဓာတ္ပံုေတြကို က႑ေတြခြဲၿပီး ေဖာ္ျပထားတယ္လို႔ ဒီစာအုပ္ကို ထုတ္ေ၀တဲ့ တိုးျမစ္စာအုပ္တုိက္ရဲ႕ ထုတ္ေ၀သူ ကို၀င္းေဇာ္လတ္က ဗီြအုိေအကို ေျပာပါတယ္။


“က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ဒီစာအုပ္မွာေတာ့ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း ဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ဖူးသည့္ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးဆုိၿပီး ေနာက္မွာ အဲဒီလုိေလး ထည့္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေဖာ္ျပထားတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဓာတ္ပုံေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပတဲ့အခါ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ ေက်ာင္းသားဘ၀၊ ေနာက္တခုက သခင္ဘ၀၊ ေနာက္ ရဲေဘာ္သုံးက်ိပ္ဘ၀၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အိမ္ေထာင္သည္ဘ၀၊ ေနာက္ စစ္၀န္ႀကီးဘ၀၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ေနာက္ပုိင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဘ၀ေပါ့၊ အဲဒီလိုမ်ဳိး က႑ ၃ ခုခြဲၿပီး ဓာတ္ပုံေတြကုိ စာအုပ္ရဲ႕ သင့္ေတာ္တဲ့ ေနရာေတြမွာ အပုိင္းလိုက္၊ အပုိင္းလုိက္ ခြဲၿပီးေတာ့ ထည့္ထားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအထဲမွာ ေက်ာင္းသားက႑မွာဆုိရင္ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးကို ထည့္ထားပါတယ္။”


ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးဟာ တခ်ိန္တုန္းက ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္၀င္း အတြင္းမွာ တည္ရွိခဲ့တာျဖစ္ၿပီး ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇူလိုင္လ ၈ ရက္ေန႔ မနက္ပိုင္းမွာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေန၀င္းရဲ႕ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီ အစိုးရလက္ထက္ ေဖာက္ခြဲ ၿဖိဳခ်ပစ္ခဲ့တာပါ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ကတည္းက ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပံုကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္း စာေပစိစစ္ေရး ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္နဲ႔ တရား၀င္ ထုတ္ေ၀ရတဲ့ စာအုပ္ေတြမွာ ပံုႏွိပ္ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ မရခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ ရာစုႏွစ္၀က္နီးပါး ၾကာၿပီး ေနာက္မွာမွ အမ်ားျပည္သူ ၾကည့္ခြင့္ရတဲ့အထိ ပံုႏွိပ္ ေဖာ္ျပႏုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့အေပၚ ၀မ္းေျမာက္၀မ္းသာ ျဖစ္သူကေတာ့ ၇ ဇူလိုင္ အေရးအခင္းမွာ ကိုယ္တိုင္ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သူ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေဟာင္း ဦးႏိုင္းႏုိင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။


“ဒီလို ပုံႏွိပ္ခြင့္ ဆုိတာကေတာ့ ရရမယ့္ဥစၥာ အခု ရလာတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အင္မတန္ မဂၤလာရွိၿပီး ၀မ္းသာစရာ ေကာင္းတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦး ဆုိတာက သမုိင္းမွာလည္း အင္မတန္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ Landmark ေပါ့ဗ်ာ၊ အမွတ္တရ ေနရာဌာနႀကီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တုိင္းျပည္နဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး မဂၤလာရွိတဲ့ အေဆာက္အဦးတခုက အၿမဲတမ္းလို စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ ရံဖန္ရံခါ စာနယ္ဇင္းေတြမွာ ပါသင့္တဲ့ဥစၥာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ဘယ္မွာမွ မျမင္ရဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ သိမ္းထားပါတယ္၊ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပုံကို တေလာကမွ ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္ေတြကို ျပေသးတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္မွာ ဓာတ္ပုံ ေသခ်ာရွိတယ္။


“အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီဥစၥာႀကီး ဒီမွာ လူသိရွင္ၾကား၊ လူေတြ သိသင့္သိထုိက္တဲ့ဟာကို အမ်ားျပည္သူ ျမင္ေတြ႕ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ရတယ္ ဆုိတာကအစ အင္မတန္ ႀကီးမားတဲ့ မဂၤလာတရားတခု ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတယ္လို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တခုက သမုိင္းဆုိတာ ေဖ်ာက္လုိ႔မရဘူး၊ ကြယ္လို႔မရဘူး၊ ျပန္ေပၚမွာပဲဆိုတဲ့ အဆုိအမိန္႔က တယ္မွန္တာပဲ ဆုိတဲ့ဟာကို ခံစားရတယ္၊ ၀မ္းသိပ္သာတယ္ဗ်ာ၊ အဲဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔။”


လက္ရွိမွာ NLD ရဲ႕ ဗဟိုဦးစီးအဖြဲ႕၀င္တဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးႏိုင္းႏုိင္းဟာ ၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (NLD) ကို ကုိယ္စားျပဳၿပီး ပုဇြန္ေတာင္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ကေန ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမႇာက္ ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္တဦး ျဖစ္သလို ႏွစ္ရွည္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္း တဦးလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။


အခု ထုတ္ေ၀ျဖန္႔ခ်ိလိုက္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းအေၾကာင္း စာအုပ္ထဲမွာ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပံုအျပင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ သမီးျဖစ္သူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခ်ခံထားရစဥ္ ကာလအတြင္း ေရးဆြဲခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ပံုတူ Sketch ပံုၾကမ္း ၃ ခုလည္း ပါသလို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံုနဲ႔ ထုတ္ခဲ့ဖူးသမွ် ေငြစကၠဴေတြ၊ တျခား သမိုင္း၀င္ ဓာတ္ပံုေတြလည္း ပါတယ္လို႔ ထုတ္ေ၀သူက ေျပာပါတယ္။


ကိုယ္တိုင္က လူငယ္တဦးျဖစ္သလို မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္ လူငယ္ေတြအားလံုး ၾကည့္ခြင့္ရေအာင္ အခုလို ပံုႏွိပ္ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ ရခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ သူကိုယ္တိုင္လည္း အထူး၀မ္းသာရပါတယ္လို႔ ထုတ္ေ၀သူ ကို၀င္းေဇာ္လတ္က ေျပာပါတယ္။


“ေနာက္ပုိင္းလူငယ္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦး ဆုိတာကို ေမ့ေလ်ာ့ေနၿပီ။ ေမ့ေလ်ာ့ေနၿပီ ဆုိတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ အခုလိုမ်ဳိး စာအုပ္တအုပ္မွာ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးကို ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပုံႏွိပ္ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ ရတဲ့အတြက္ က်ေနာ္ အရမ္းပဲ ၀မ္းသာပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒီလိုမ်ဳိး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း အေၾကာင္းကို ေရးထားတဲ့ စာအုပ္ထဲမွာ ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ ရတဲ့အတြက္၊ အဓိကေတာ့ အခုလုိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကုိ လူေတြ ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ လႈိက္လႈိက္လွဲလွဲနဲ႔ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္စာအုပ္ေတြ ဖတ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အားေပးၾကတယ္၊ စိတ္၀င္စားမႈ ရွိၾကတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အခ်ိန္၊ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းစာအုပ္ တအုပ္ထဲမွာ ဒီလိုမ်ဳိး ထည့္ခြင့္ရတယ္၊ ပုံႏွိပ္ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ ရတဲ့အတြက္ က်ေနာ္ အမ်ားႀကီး ၀မ္းသာပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းလူငယ္ေတြ အတြက္လည္း သမုိင္းဆုိင္ရာအားျဖင့္ တန္ဖုိးတခုခု ရွိလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ထင္ပါတယ္။”


‘ေအာင္ဆန္းေနာ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနာ္၊ ေတဇေနာ္’ စာအုပ္ကို ထုတ္ေ၀သူ ကို၀င္းေဇာ္လတ္ ေျပာျပခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။


ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ သီတင္းပတ္တုန္းကလည္း ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုေမးျမန္းခန္း တခုကို ျပည္တြင္းထုတ္ Messenger ဂ်ာနယ္မွာ ထည့္သြင္းေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ ရခဲ့သလို ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ကိုယ္တိုင္ေရးတဲ့ ပုဂံခရီးသြား ေဆာင္းပါးကိုလည္း ျပည္သူ႔ေခတ္ဂ်ာနယ္မွာ ေဖာ္ျပႏုိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။


အခု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းအေၾကာင္း စာအုပ္နဲ႔အတူ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢ အေဆာက္အဦးပံုကိုပါ ပံုႏွိပ္ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ရခဲ့တဲ့ တိုးျမစ္ စာအုပ္တိုက္ကေတာ့ ေနာင္မွာလည္း အလားတူ ပံုႏွိပ္ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ေတြ ဆက္ၿပီးရသြားဖို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားပါတယ္။
credit: VOA Burmese
By Prof Kanbawza Win>>>

Among the many races and different ethnic nationalities residing in Burma, Myanmar is the only ethnic race that harbours the African mentality This phrase may be galling to the Myanmar, but as an academic, we have to call “a spade a spade.” for we cannot lie. Burma still maintains the title of the longest civil war in the world yet we have not heard of any ethnic resistance army or a resistance pro democracy group committing rape, Why? This is because the ethnic nationalities army and pro democratic groups are born out of the people, whereas the Burmese army or rather Myanmar Tatmadaw (jrefrmhwyfrawmf ) in Burmese is raping the ethnic women with impunity because it was simply a pocket army of the Generals. Instead the Tatmadaw did not feel any remorse or regret but instead they are even proud to do that as it is their bounden duty to clean the country of the undesirable ethnic nationalities. This is the psyche and rationale of the Myanmar Tatmadaw that compels them to rape and pillage the country. Hence it is predictable that it will continue to do that in the future also because rape by a Burmese soldier is considered as a reward of his hard work.. 

Rape as a weapon of war has been in existence for quite sometimes particularly in Africa and later in Bosnia. The Tatmadaw just copy from these examples as is practicing it on its ethnic nationalities as a means of ethnic cleansing to create a policy of a great nation. 

Harking back to World History one can discover of how William the Conqueror, Duke of Normandy vanquished the Britons in 1066 (just 22 years before the first Burmese Kingdom, Pagan Dynasty was established), rape the existing Saxons women, intermarried them and later became one race, the English which is a great nation. So also when Christopher Columbus discovered America in 1492, the Europeans followed, kill the aboriginals (Red Indians, which is neither red or Indians) and eventually created the United States of America and Canada which are great nations of modern time. So also the Myanmar ethnic race wants to create the fourth Myanmar Empire and is following the steps of the three warrior kings whose huge statues can be seen in Naypyidaw. Hence raping the women and girls of the ethnic nationalities is a natural phenomenon. 

They construe that ethnic nationalities are all rebels bent on balkanization. Their philosophy is that the present day Burma is developed in a linear fashion straight from the founding of the first Burmese kingdom in 1044 AD under king Anawrahta. Only the British colonization of the Myanmar Kingdom for 120 years was disrupted this historical development. They believe in the accounts of their mighty, expansionistic imperialist empires with subordinate alliances made up of multi-ethnic and multi-language communities, including the Shan, the Arakanese, the Mons, and so on, encompassing the present day Burma and its political boundaries and, at times, stretching into neighbouring India and Thailand, others are their subordinates and hence should not be treated as equal but above the ethnic nationalities. Hence an average Myanmar view the ethnic nationality as somewhat the necessary evil of the country where he is destined to live forever and that it is his unbounded duty to lead him to civilization He/she must be showed the real civilization of the Myanmar people and finally lead him to Theravada Buddhism on to Nirvana. It is a historical duty to bring these ethnic nationalities into Myanmar race and this is the sole reason of why the current administration did not accept the Panglong Concordat where everyone will share as the founding father of Modern Burma said “Shan Ta Kyat Bama Ta Kyat” (&Srf;wusyfArmwusyf) meaning we will share equally in weal and woe with justice and equality among the ethnic national races. This is the underlying cause of why the Tatmadaw is a rapist army. 

Before 1988 a secret order was issued that any Myanmar soldier who is able to marry an ethnic women is rewarded a handsome amount of money but this happens to be difficult and slow and so when the Tatmadaw takes over the administration, it encourages raping the ethnic nationalities. This unwritten message can be read by the lieutenants, and captains and hence it was these ranks who committed most of the rape cases. Research by ethnic women organizations proves that an average soldier seldom committed this crime. In the long run if only there one race Myanmar, one religion Theravada Buddhism and one country Burma will be able to govern and stand tall in the international community is their basic philosophy. 

A hard-hitting report released in 2002 by the Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN) - 'A Licence to Rape' - outlined in great detail the use of such a despicable ploy. International organisations and foreign governments looked into the allegations and confirmed the practice really was occurring. Today, with a number of former ceasefire groups facing the guns of the Burmese military, the use of rape has extended to women from these ethnic communities as well. 

As usual the Junta denied it - as they do with virtually every accusation - but things have not change. The latest report about rapes in Shan State comes only weeks after the Kachin Women's Association denounced the rape of 18 women and girls during renewed fighting in Kachin State 
Rape brings stigma, shame, and reluctance on the part of victims to speak out about what happened to them. But an increasing number of women and girls from Burma - the ones that survived - have begun to tell of their experiences of rape and other forms of sexual violence in the country's war-torn areas. Burmese Army deserters confirm that rapes occur regularly and usually go unpunished. The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women has published material that corroborates details in 'A Licence to Rape' and adds many new cases.
“Lying the very concept of Truth” being the motto of the Tatmadaw obviously refuses to grant the UN access to the country to enquire about the rape. As incidents of rape continue to be reported, and the Burmese military must surely know what is happening. However the Junta engages in Orwellian double-speak has rejected the reports, instead launching its own investigations, and formed Myanmar National Human Rights Commission where one can hardly have confidence in their credibility and became a laughing stock of the world.
In 2000, the UN Security Council recognised that gender-based violence thwarts security and adopted Resolution 1325, which calls on parties in conflict to respect the rights of women and children, and particularly to prevent gender-based violence. In 2004, ASEAN governments vowed to end the impunity states like Burma have enjoyed and signed the Declaration to Eliminate Violence Against Women in this region. But these resolutions won't mean much unless action is taken. While the United Nations and a number of Western countries have spoken out against the use of rape in Burma's military campaigns, members of the ASEAN community have been conspicuously quiet. This Constructive Engagement Policy of the ASEAN enables the Tatmadaw to carry on its horrific military tactics. 

Rape in the real world, however, is receiving media attention, and public consciousness is being raised about it. What is new is not the practice of mass rape but the extent of its relatively recent publicity and some of rape's consequences for public health in an era of HIV. The most common post-traumatic disorders are found in women and children subject to rape: Rape victims, battered women, and sexually abused children are its casualties in this longest civil war. Hysteria is the combat neurosis of the sex war. The role of women who are raped and then murdered is like that of people who are murdered in a bombing. 

By raping women Tatmadaw send a clear message that they will do like this again if the resistance ethnic group continue to resist and did not obey their command. This also sends another message to the second targets i.e. the populace under their control that everybody must obey the Tatmadaw command or else face the consequence of rape. So the ubiquitous threat of rape is a form of terrorism. Rape served as a double edge dagger not only to the women survivors who were its immediate victims but also the men socially connected to them 

Rape is a cross-cultural language of Tatmadaw domination as forcible impregnation and is a tool of genetic imperialism. Where the so-conceived child's social identity is determined by that of the biological father, impregnation by rape can undermine family solidarity. Even if no pregnancy results, knowledge of the rape has been sufficient for many men in patriarchal societies to reject wives, mothers, and daughters. Tatmadaw aims to destroy an ethnic nationality’s identity by decimating cultural and social bonds. Many women and girls are killed when rapists are finished with them. If survivors become pregnant or are known to be rape survivors, cultural, political, and national unity may be thrown into chaos. These have been among the apparently intended purposes of the mass rapes of women in Burma 

Tatmadaw treat the situation of women who are enslaved as war captives and war booty. Captured and impregnated females might be “persuaded” to alter their loyalties where nothing comparable could have been done to change the loyalties of their fathers or spouses. Enslavement rather than slaughter as war captives has two apparent advantages. First, if any woman might become a war captive, it could be to his advantage to survive (rather than be killed) even as a sex slave and hope for a reversal of fortune. Second, sex slavery instituted a class system, providing exploitable productive labour for conquerors. But to what advantages could a woman look forward who was enslaved rather than slaughtered? Would a captured woman who was impregnated, gave birth, and then survived to be freed when political fortunes changed are better off after the change of political fortune? What would have become of her identity or her children and her ties to them? Or, as a wife of Tatmadaw soldier, what would it do for her were her husband to take female concubines from defeated peoples? Are the many questions that cannot be answered. 

Unwittingly, rape has become a political institution in Burma . That soldiers who rape “enemy women” are not to be reported. A soldier may rape because he was ordered, or because he felt like it. Superior officers, on the other hand, may look the other way because of the martial purposes such rapes serve. Burmese soldiers may not always be given direct orders. They may be induced in other ways, for example, they may be given reason to believe that if they do not participate, they will be beaten or raped themselves. Hence the attitude of a Tadmadaw soldier to ethnic women is “We will do everything to ensure that your children become Myanmar” 

Tatmadaw use rape to demoralize and disrupt bonds among the ethnic nationalities and to create bonds among perpetrators. Of many forms of, rape has a special potential to drive a wedge between family members and to carry the expression of the perpetrator's dominance into future generations. A major long-range aim of rape would be to eliminate patriarchal and protectionist values. Organized rape has been an integral aspect of Tatmadaw warfare for a long time The primary target here is to inflict trauma and through this to destroy family ties and group solidarity within the ethnic nationalities. It is a fundamental way of abandoning subjects: rape is the mark of sovereignty stamped directly on the body, that is, it is essentially a bio-political strategy using the distinction between the self and the body. Through an analysis of the way rape was carried out by the predominantly Myanmar soldiers is introduced within the woman’s body (sperm or forced pregnancy), transforming her into an abject-self rejected by the family, excluded by the community and quite often also the object of a self-hate, sometimes to the point of suicide. A Myanmar soldier is made to believes that the penetration of the woman’s body works as a metaphor for the penetration of enemy lines. In addition it is argued that this bio-political strategy, like other forms of sovereignty, operates through the creation of an ‘inclusive exclusion’. The woman and the community in question are inscribed within the enemy realm of power as those excluded. The impact of rape goes far beyond the immediate effects of the physical attack and has long-lasting consequences. 

Rape by the Tatmadaw soldiers is not a simple by-product of war, but is a well planned and targeted policy. This recognition of rape as a weapon of war has taken on legal significance at the Rwandan and Yugoslav Tribunals where rape has been prosecuted as a crime against humanity and genocide. The apparent primary aim of the rapes by the Burmese army is the expulsion and dispersion of entire ethnic groups. The idea is to destroy family and community bonds, humiliate and terrorize, ultimately to drive out and disperse entire peoples in “ethnic cleansing,” the current euphemism for genocide in Burma 

Hence the international bodies and UN should consider taking the Burmese General to the International Court for Justice. Burma has refuses to live up to the standards of decency that ASEAN has set for itself. Surely more can be done. Sadly, there seems to be little political will to do anything about ongoing atrocities in Burma. ASEAN needs to act, because its credibility erodes every day that nothing is done. What hypocrisy will be more apparent than giving the chairperson of ASEAN to Burma in 2014. Obviously it will reflect the ASEAN values to see. Marty Natalegawa, the Indonesia's Foreign Minister and the current ASEAN Chairperson to visit Naypyidaw. instead of pushing Co1 as others civilized nations have done.

Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees and Migration,USA  

The role of government in our lives is now the subject of pitched debate in Washington and throughout the country. But no matter your view on this contentious issue, nobody questions the profound responsibility of public institutions, here and abroad, to safeguard basic rights against discrimination, to equal justice and to political participation.

Sadly, those rights are denied to some 12 million people around the world who have been denied citizenship -- rendered stateless -- often by discriminatory national policies that exclude minorities even when they have lived in a country for decades or centuries and have well-established ties to both the land and culture of their places of residence.

From the Roma in Europe, to Dominicans of Haitian descent, to Bidoon in Kuwait and other countries, stateless communities suffer from marginalization and neglect. Most lack identity documents and cannot register a marriage, death, or birth of a child. Without documentation, many stateless people cannot open a bank account, own property, find legal employment, access public health services or enroll in school. And because they have nowhere else to go, they -- and their children, and their children's children -- live in a state of permanent uncertainty.

This year marks the 50th anniversary of the UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, and it is a fitting time to consider the current dimensions of this terrible problem, which first gained international attention when the Nazis systematically denationalized German Jews. In its own effort to focus attention on the issue in this anniversary year, the United Nations hosted a photo exhibit on statelessness at its headquarters in New York this summer, which graphically depicted the dimensions of the problem and offered powerful contemporary stories of stateless people in Nepal, Kenya, the former Soviet Union and elsewhere.


2011-09-08-HuffPopixels.jpg
A young Muslim girl (Rohingya) picks up her identity document provided with UNHCR assistance in Burma's N. Rakhine State. (Photo courtesy of UNCHR)
Among the most egregious stories are those of the Rohingya, a Muslim minority from Burma's Northern Rakhine State who have lived in Burma for centuries, but were excluded from the country's 1982 citizenship law and continue to suffer persecution, including forced labor, confiscation of property, rape, and other forms of violence. While approximately 750,000 Rohingya remain in Burma, an estimated three million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh, Thailand, Malaysia, India, Saudi Arabia, and other countries in the region. Although some have been recognized as refugees, many others lack documentation and are at risk of arbitrary arrest and detention, deportation back to Burma, human trafficking, and other abuses. The Obama Administration is working with other donor governments, international and non-governmental organizations, and affected countries in the region to provide assistance to the Rohingya and identify durable, humane, and comprehensive solutions for their plight.


Globally, the U.S. government is concerned about statelessness as a human rights and humanitarian issue that impacts prospects for democratization, economic development, and regional stability. U.S. diplomats around the world are working to persuade other governments to amend nationality laws that discriminate against women and minorities and cause statelessness, provide documentation to stateless persons, protect them from abuse, and ensure they have access to basic services. And we are the single largest donor to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the agency mandated to protect stateless people, contributing over $700 million last year.

Happily, the laws of the United States do not contribute to the problem of statelessness; we grant citizenship through birth in the United States, birth abroad to a U.S. parent if statutory requirements are met, and through naturalization. To be sure, certain provisions of the 1961 Convention would make it difficult for the United States to move toward ratification -- for example, the Convention limits voluntary renunciation of nationality in ways that would conflict with the right to voluntary expatriation that is recognized under U.S. law. Nonetheless, we support the objectives and principles of the 1961 Convention as well as the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, and we believe other governments should consider accession and implementation as a means to minimize statelessness.

Preventing and reducing statelessness requires first that governments, civil society groups, and international and regional organizations recognize the problem, its causes, and the suffering and indignities it inflicts on millions of people around the world. But recognition is not enough -- governments around the world must be pressed to take strong action to address this eminently solvable problem and ensure a brighter future for millions of disenfranchised and vulnerable people.

Eric P. Schwartz is U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration.

Credit : huffingtonpost
By MARK FARMANER

Promises for a ‘new Burma’ echo past dictators thumbnail
Recent pledges of reform by Burmese President Thein Sein are nothing new (Reuters)
Much has been made of the flurry of initiatives by Thein Sein since he became president earlier this year, but his surprising enthusiasm for recycling seems to have gone unnoticed.
If the recent steps he has taken are examined in more detail, it turns out most are not new or as significant as many seem to think. Rather, they are recycled from his predecessors, Than Shwe and Ne Win.
On 31 March Thein Sein made a speech to parliament promising reforms – chiefly economic, not political. The fact that the speech got so much attention was surprising in itself. Thein Sein was on the ruling Council of the dictatorship for 14 years. The track record of the dictatorship in telling the truth during that time is amongst the worst in the world – they have lied in media, lied at international conferences, lied at the UN General Assembly, and lied to successive UN envoys, even when they knew those envoys were reporting back to the UN Security Council. For example, after his visit in November 2007, UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari faithfully reported back to the Security Council promises by the regime to halt arrests and release political prisoners. However, there were no releases, and the arrests continued. Since early 2007 Thein Sein, as prime minister, has been the main person responsible for telling lies on behalf of the dictatorship. There has been speculation that his experience and skill in dealing with the international community was one of the reasons Than Shwe picked him for the job.
Little attention was given to reasons Thein Sein gave for needing economic reform, such as “building military might” and that the  “National Economy is associated with political affairs. If the nation enjoys economic growth, the people will become affluent, and they will not be under the influence of internal and external elements.” In his own words, Thein Sein’s stated motivation for economic change is strengthening the military and consolidating power, not tackling poverty.
It has been stated that Thein Sein’s promises of reform are new for a Burmese president, but they aren’t. The previous dictator, Than Shwe, made similar pledges, though without the high profile rhetoric.  In fact, in 1992, when he became dictator, Than Shwe did more than just talk, he admitted there were political prisoners, and released more than 400 of them. This is in stark contrast to Thein Sein’s regime, which denies that political prisoners even exist.
Khin Nyunt, head of military intelligence and later prime minister under Than Shwe, also made regular promises of reform, in public and in private.  Go back further and there are numerous examples of Ne Win, Burma’s first dictator, doing the same, often in similar grand speeches. Again, no genuine reforms followed.
The meeting held between Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi, the government minister appointed to liaise with her, was widely reported as the first meeting since the new government came to power, rather than their tenth meeting over a course of several years, which does not sound quite as significant.  Another meeting followed, the eleventh.
In November 2002 Than Shwe boasted to Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that Aung San Suu Kyi had met with government ministers on 13 occasions, and had met with a liaison officer an incredible 107 times. These meetings didn’t lead to political reforms.
There has also been an offer of ceasefire talks to armed ethnic political parties. This must have been received with incredulity by the Shan State Army–North and Kachin Independence Organisation.  In March and June respectively they had been attacked by the Burmese Army for refusing to become Border Guard Forces under control of the Burmese army, breaking decades-long ceasefire agreements. The Burmese army has been targeting civilians in areas where it has broken ceasefire agreements, with soldiers killing, raping, looting and using forced labour.
Ceasefire offers which turn out to be highly conditional, or in effect amounting to demands to surrender, have been made by dictatorships in Burma dozens of times in the past 60 years. There is nothing new in this proposal to suggest it is genuine this time. But the call served its purpose, adding to the positive mood music and impression of change.
A rumour has also emerged that Thein Sein told an audience that political exiles could return home and help the country develop. Again some hailed this as a sign of change, even though no amnesty was offered, no laws that led to many of the exiles being jailed and forced to flee the country have been repealed, and military attacks of the kind which have forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee their homes have increased, not decreased.
Even if an offer of amnesty was made, again, it would not be new. Ne Win did the same back in 1980. Again it wasn’t a sign of any genuine change on the way.
With the constitution, elections, and release of Aung San Suu Kyi failing to persuade the US, EU and Canada to relax economic sanctions, and even ASEAN delaying a decision to have Burma as its chair in 2014, it obviously became clear to Thein Sein that he would have to do more to present an image of change.  With a decision on the ASEAN chairmanship likely to be made before the end of the year, there is a sense of urgency. To be turned down would be a major blow to Thein Sein and the dictatorship.
This may help explain the flurry of activity. What is highly unlikely, given their track record and continuing actions, is that this has anything to do with genuine reform.
The dictatorship has successfully engaged in lies and delaying tactics for decades. They take superficial actions designed to present the impression that change could be round the corner, but that corner is never turned. All the evidence so far is that we are seeing more of the same. But what is taking place does present an opportunity. Now is not the time to adopt a wait and see approach, or for the usual softly, softly dialogue. A concerted international effort needs to be made, setting the dictatorship clear benchmarks and timelines for change. The international community has what the dictatorship wants, it has leverage. It is time to use it.
Mark Farmaner is director of Burma Campaign UK.


credit : DVB news
ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု
(ေဆာင္းပါးရွင္ ေဒါက္တာလွဳိင္ျမင့္)

က်ေနာ့္ကို တခ်ိဳ႕ေသာ စာဖတ္ပရိတ္သတ္မ်ားက (အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက) ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ ကိစၥကို ေရးသားပါရန္ အတန္တန္ ေရးလာႀကပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ျမစ္စံုေရကာတာကိစၥကို တိတိပပ မသိထားတာလဲရွိ အခုတေလာ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာလဲ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေကာ္မတီ ေနာက္ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ စစ္ပြဲေတြ တဖန္ျပန္ထလာျပီး ျပည္တြင္းျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးက တစခန္းထလာေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆိုတာ စဥ္းစားလာတာနဲ႔အမွ် က်ေနာ္တို႔နိုင္ငံရဲ႕ တန္းတူညီမွ်ေရး ဖက္ဒရယ္မူဆိုတာက ပါလာပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥက ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာထက္ က်ေနာ္ကို ပိုတြန္းလႈံ႕ေဆာ္ေနတာမို႔ ဖက္ဒရယ္မူေဆြးေႏြးတာကို စတင္လိုက္ပါတယ္။ နားလည္ ေပးနိုင္ႀကမယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီျပည္ေထာင္စုမူဆိုတာ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ့ အေရးျဖစ္တာမို႔ အားလံုးနဲ႔ သက္ဆိုင္ေနသလို ဦးေန၀င္းလက္ထက္ မတို္င္ခင္က စတင္ခဲ့တဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာေတြႀကား အစဥ္အဆက္ျပသနာမို႔ ေခါက္ထားလို႔ မရသလို မေျဖရွင္းလို႔ မရတဲ့အေရးမို႔ ျဖစ္နိုင္သမွ် အျမန္ဆံုးေျဖရွင္းနိုင္ေလ တုိင္းျပည္တခုလံုး ျပည္ေထာင္စု တခုလံုးအတြက္ အက်ိဳးပိုရွိလာမယ့္ အေရးျဖစ္ေနလို႔ပါ။

အခုဖက္ဒရယ္မူကိစၥကိုလဲ မူေတြကို အေသးစိ္တ္ ေထာက္ျပေနတာ မဟုတ္ပါ။ မူရဲ့အေျခခံ အေႀကာင္းအရာေတြကိုသာ ေထာက္ျပမွာပါ။ အေျခခံကိုက ညွိႏွဳိင္းစရာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးရွိေနလို႔ပါ။

ဖက္ဒရယ္ဆိုတာ မဖတ္ႀကမွီ ပထမဦးဆံုးေျပာလိုတာကေတာ့ အခုဒီဖက္ဒရယ္မူကို ေရးလိုက္တာဟာ ပြဲဆူေအာင္ ေရးတယ္လို႔ မထင္မိႀကဖို႔ပါ။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ေရးမွာက က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ ျမင္ေနတာက ၁၉၈၀ ေက်ာ္၀န္းက်င္ကထဲက။ အဲဒီမတိုင္ခင္ကေတာ့ ပင္လံုသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို ဘယ္သူ႔ ဆီကမွ မသိနိုင္ေတာ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စုေန႔ဆိုတာ ႏွစ္ေပေလာက္ရွိတဲ့ အလံေလးကို ဟန္ျပျပီး ပြဲေတာ္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ လိမ္ညာမႈတခုလို႔ဘဲ မေက်မနပ္ ရွိေနရတာကလြဲလုိ႔ ဘာမွ မတတ္နိုင္ခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ၁၉၈၀-ေက်ာ္စတြင္ ဦးေန၀င္းရဲ့ အနီးကပ္  လံုျခံဳေရးအရာရွိႀကီး လက္ျပတ္ႀကီးဦးစိန္ျမင့္က သူသိထားသေလာက္ကို ရွင္းျပေတာ့မွ ပင္လံုသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို အေတာ္အတန္ သိလာခဲ့ရတာပါ။

အဲဒီမွာ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ ့ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူ ဆိုတာကို ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦး ကစရွင္းျပလာေတာ့ ေနာက္မႀကာခင္ သူနဲ႔က်ေနာ္ အေတာ္ေလး အေႀကာက္အကန္ ျငင္းႀကခံုႀကရပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ ၈၈၈၈-ကာလဘက္ နီးလာတယ္။ ရွစ္ေလးလံုးကာလမွာလဲ က်ေနာ္ သပိတ္စခန္းက ၃၁-လမ္း။ သူ႔ရုံံုးခန္းက ဘားလမ္း။ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း ေရွ႕ေနမ်ားေကာင္စီ ရံုးခန္းေပါ့။ ဆံုႀကျပန္ေသးတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔က အေမရိကန္သံရံုး ဆင္၀င္ေအာက္မွာ (သံရံုးကကူညီတာပါ) ေဟာေျပာပြဲစင္ျမင့္နဲ႔။ က်ေနာ္က တခါမွ တက္မေဟာပါဘူး  က်ေနာ့္ခ်ာတိတ္ ထိပ္ထိပ္ႀကဲေလးေတြ။ အာဃသတၱိရွင္ေလးေတြ။ လူေလးေတြက အသက္က ၁၅ ကေန ၁၈ ႀကားဘဲရွိေသးတဲ့ ခ်ာတိတ္ေလးေတြ တက္ေဟာတယ္။ နားေထာင္သူပရိတ္သတ္က လမ္းအျပည့္ဘဲ။

ဒီလိုနဲ႔အေရးအခင္းအျပီး ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႀကိဳကာလကထည္းက ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦးရဲ့ ရွမ္းအမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ပါတီ၀င္ေတြနဲ႔ပါ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု (စစ္စစ္)မူ ေဆြးေႏြးႀကတိုင္း တခ်ိဳ႕တေလက ေဒါသေတြ ပါပါလာတတ္ႀကပါတယ္။ သူတို႔က က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို ဗမာ-မဟာ လူမ်ိဳးႀကီး၀ါဒ လို႔စြပ္စြဲျပီး လူမ်ိဳးႀကီး၀ါဒနဲ႔ အေရာင္ဆိုးျပီး ၀ါးလံုးသိမ္း ရမ္းေတာ့တာပါဘဲ။ သူတို႔လို ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳး ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္သား ပင္လံုဦးခင္ေမာင္ (ပင္လံုစာခ်ဳပ္မွာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သူ)နဲ႔ ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳး ေတာင္ႀကီးလႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဦးေက်ာ္ခင္တို႔နဲ႔က်ေတာ့ ေဆြးေႏြးရတာ အျမင္နီးစပ္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆံုးဥိီးခြန္ထြန္းဦး အဖမ္းမခံရခင္ ရက္ပိုင္းေလးမွာကို က်ေနာ္က အတန္တန္ သတိေပးပါတယ္။ ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကို မဟပါနဲ႔။ ဒါစစ္တပ္ သိပ္အႀကိဳက္ေတြ႔ေနတဲ့ ေႀကာင္ႀကီးရဲ႕အျမီွးတံတိုဘဲ။ သူကလည္းမရဘူး ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကမွ ျပည္ေထာင္မူစစ္တာဆိုျပီး။

တခါေထာင္ထဲမွာလဲ ဘယ္သူက ဖြေပးတယ္မသိဘူး။ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ေတြ က်ေနာ့္အခန္းကိုလာျပီး ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကို ခင္ဗ်ားက ကန္႔ကြက္တာ ဘာလဲ ရွင္းစမ္းပါအံုးေပါ့။ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ ရွင္းျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။ တခါ ျပည္ပေရာက္ေတာ့လဲ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာတင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ ့တခုနဲ႔ ထိစပ္မိတာကေန ဘယ္ကေနဘယ္လို သူတို႔ဆီကို သတင္းက ေရာက္ေနတယ္မသိဘူး ခင္ဗ်ားက ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကို လက္မခံနိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ လုပ္လာပါေလေရာ။

တခါ ၾသစေၾတးလ်မွာလဲ ၂၀၀၈- ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလ မွာ အဲဒီတုန္းက အခု Burma Campaign Australia က ဘ႑ာေငြက ေတာင့္တင္းေနတုန္းဆိုေတာ့ တနိုင္ငံလံုး အတုိင္းအတာနဲ႔ ညီလာခံလုပ္ပါတယ္။ တေနကုန္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲႀကီးကို ႏွစ္ရက္လုပ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီိမွာ တိုင္းရင္းသားအမ်ားစုက ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးနဲ႔ တိုင္းရင္းသားအေရး (ဖက္ဒရယ္ကိစၥ) တျပိဳင္ထဲလုပ္ရမယ္ ေတာင္းဆိုလာပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလို ေတာင္းဆိုလာေတာ့ ျမန္မာေတြက လက္ေရွာင္ ထြက္သြားႀကပါတယ္။ အားလံုးကေဗ်ာင္ဘဲ။ က်ေနာ္မပါဘူးဆိုျပီး ထြက္သြားႀကပါတယ္။ အခု တီဗီြေတြ ေရဒီယိုေတြအေပၚမွာ အင္တာဗ်ဴးေနတဲ့ ဆရာႀကီးမ်ား အကုန္လက္ေရွာင္ ႀကပါေတာ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ဆံုးေတာ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အမ်ားနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္တဦးတည္း ေဆြးေႏြးႀကရပါေတာ့တယ္။ ဘိုမေတြ၊ ဘိုေတြ ထုိင္နားေထာင္ေပးျပီး ၾကပ္မတ္ေပးထားႀကပါတယ္။

အဓီက ေျပာလိုတာကေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ကေရးထားတဲ့ အခုနာဂစ္အေျခခံဥပေဒနဲ႔ နယ္စပ္မွာ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ဦးေဆာင္ေရးထားတဲ့မူ (ျပည္ေထာင္စုစစ္စစ္မူ @ ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူ/ NCUBမူ)  ဆိုတာႏွစ္ခုကေတာ့ ဟိုဘက္ကမ္းနဲ႔ ဒီဘက္ကမ္း ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ ဘယ္လိုမွ မနီးစပ္နိုင္ပါဘူး ။ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြက ၂၀၀၈- မွာေတာ့ ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကေန ၁၀-ျပည္နယ္မူ ဆိုျပီး ျပည္နယ္ႏွစ္ခုတိုး သတ္မွတ္လာပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ထပ္တိုး ျပည္နယ္ေတြအတြက္ပါ ကြက္လပ္ေလးႏွစ္ခု ျပထားပါေသးတယ္။ အမွတ္စဥ္ေလး - ၁၂ အထိ ထိုးထားလိုက္ပါေသးတယ္။

တခါစစ္တပ္ကဆြဲတဲ့ နာဂစ္-၂၀၀၈-ဥပေဒကေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတာ အနံ႔ေလးေလာက္ဘဲပါတာပါ။ ေဆြးေႏြးစရာမလိုေတာ့လို ့ ေခါက္ထားလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တခု အဓိကထားေျပာလိုတာကေတာ့ ၁၉၆၂ -ႏွစ္ေေဖၚ၀ါရီလမွာ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ေတာင္ႀကီးျမိဳ႕မွာ ျမန္မာ(ဗမာ)မပါဘဲ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြက ျပည္ေထာင္စု (စစ္စစ္ )မူ / ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကို တင္ဖို႔လုပ္လာေတာ့ ဒီကိစၥကို အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူျပီး ဦးေန၀င္းက အာဏာသိမ္းလိုက္တာပါဘဲ ။ ဦးေန၀င္း အာဏာသိမ္းေတာ့ တိုင္းျပည္ျပိဳကြဲမယ့္ အေရးကေန ကာကြယ္ဖို႔ေပါ့။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြက ဦးေန၀င္းရဲ့ အေႀကာင္းျပခ်က္ကို သိပ္အေႀကာက္အကန္ မျငင္းနိုင္ခဲ့ႀကပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာ(ဗမာ) လူမ်ိဳးဘက္ကေန ႀကည့္ေတာ့ ဗမာေတြအတြက္ ကိုယ္ျပည္နယ္နဲ ့ဆိုင္တဲ့ကိစၥ တခုခ ုဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်င္ရင္ေတာင္မွ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ခြင့္ျပဳမွ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ သနားမွ လုပ္ခြင့္ရေတာ့မယ့္ ဘ၀ကို လံုးလံုးေရာက္သြားပါျပီ။ ဒီရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကို ဗမာကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြက လက္မခံနိုင္ႀကပါဘူး။ လက္ခံဖို႔ သိပ္ခက္ေနပါတယ္။ လက္မခံေတာ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြဘက္က ဒါမဟာလူမ်ိဳး၀ါဒ ဆိုတာကို တြင္တြင္ ေအာ္ေတာ့တာပါဘဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ လြတ္ေတာ္မွာက အဖြဲ႔ေတြ အကြဲကြဲျဖစ္ေနခ်ိန္ကို တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြက အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူလာတယ္လို႔ တပ္မႈးေတြက လံုး၀ယူဆထားႀကပါတယ္။

အခုဒီမိုကေရစီ အနံအသက္ေလး တစတစ ရႈလာရျပန္ေတာ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစုေတြက ပင္လံုစိတ္ဓါတ္ဆိုျပီး တခါဒီရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူကို ထပ္မံျဖည့္စြက္ထားတဲ့ ၁၀-ျပည္နယ္မူဆိုတာ အခုကိုင္ထားႀကပါတယ္။ တခါစစ္တပ္ကလဲ စစ္တပ္အာဏာ ေျဖေလွ်ာ့လိုက္ရရင္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု စစ္စစ္မူတင္လာရင္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကီးျပိဳကြဲျပီး အာရွေဘာ္လကန္အေရးအခင္း (အာရွေဘာစနီးယား) ေသခ်ာေပါက္ျဖစ္လာမယ္လို႔ အာဆီယံကို အတိအလင္းေျပာထားတာ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ပါ။  အာဆီယံ နိုင္ငံေတြကလဲ စစ္တပ္အျမင္ကို မျငင္းနိုင္သလို အာဆီယံအဖြဲ႔၀င္တခ်ိဳ႕ကပင္ အာရွေဘာ့စနီးယား ျဖစ္လာမယ္လို႔ကို စစ္တပ္ဘက္ကေန ေထာက္ခံထားႀကပါတယ္။

အဲဒီေတာ့ ကေန႔လြတ္လပ္မႈေလး တစတစဖြင့္ေပးလာတာကို က်ေနာ္တို႔က အေမွ်ာ္အျမင္ႀကီးႀကီး သေဘာထားႀကီးႀကီးနဲ႔ လိမၼာစြာယူႀကမလား စားခြက္လုႀကမလား။ စစ္တပ္ကေတာ့ ၂၀၀၈-နာဂစ္မူမွာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျပိဳကြဲမဲ့အေရး ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးႀကီိး ေတာက္ေလာင္ လာနိုင္ေခ်ရွိရင္ စစ္တပ္ကို အာဏာျပန္လႊဲေပးရမယ္ (အာဏာသိမ္းတာ မဟုတ္ေနာ္) ဆိုတာကိုထဲ့ထားတယ္။ စစ္တပ္အာဏာသိမ္းလဲ ခ်မယ္။ ေဘာ္လကန္လို လြတ္လပ္ေရး ယူပစ္မယ္လို႔ ဆံုးျဖတ္ထားႀကရင္ေတာ့ မသိဘူး။

ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူဘဲ ေျပာႀကပါစို႔။ အခုရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူဆိုတာကို ျမန္မာ(ဗမာ) အမ်ားစု သဲသဲကြဲကြဲ သိရေအာင္ က်ေနာ္အျမင္ေလးကို ေရးျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ဗမာထဲကလဲ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ အျမင္မတူ နိုင္သူမ်ားလဲရွိပါမယ္။ တဖန္အျမင္တူေသာ္လဲ ကိုယ္အသက္အႏၱရယ္ကို စိုးရိမ္ရလို႔ (တတိယနိုင္ငံမွာ ေနသူေတြေတာင္ လန္႔ႀကပါတယ္ဆိုတာ ဘာေႀကာင့္ပါလိမ့္ က်ေနာ္ေတာ့မသိဘူး) က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ကို မေထာက္ခံရဲသူေတြလဲ အမ်ားႀကီးရွိႀကပါမယ္။ က်ေနာ္ အင္တာနက္ေပၚကေန ဒီိကိစၥေဆြးေႏြးရင္ မဲေဆာက္က လူေတြက ဆရာမ်က္ႏွာသစ္စရာ မရွိေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာလားလို႔ ျပန္ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဗမာေတြက လူမ်ိဳးႀကီး၀ါဒ ကိုင္ထား မထားေတာ့မသိ ကိုယ္နဲ႔ အျမင္တူတာကို နားမေထာင္၀ံ့ ႀကတာေတာ့ သိပ္ေသခ်ာေနပါတယ္ ခင္ဗ်ာ။

အဲဒီေတာ့ ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦးတို႔နဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခါ ေထာင္ထဲမွာ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာ မေလးရွားမွာ အခုေၾသာိစီမွာ ေဆြးေႏြးတိုင္း တိုင္းရင္သားအားလံုးနီးပါးက အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ့ ဖက္ဒရယ္မူကို နမူနာျပဳေျပာဆို ခိုင္းႏွဳိင္း ေျပာဆိုႀကပါတယ္။ ထံုးစံအတိုင္းေပါ့။ အေမရိကန္မွာက လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွစ္ရပ္ရွိပါတယ္။ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ေခၚတဲ့ ဆီးနိတ္ (SENATE)နဲ႔ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ေခၚတဲ့ HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVEေပါ့ ႏွစ္ရပ္ရွိပါတယ္။ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြက္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ကို လူဦးေရအလိုက္ လူဦးေရအခ်ိဳးက် ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ အေရအတြက္ကို ေရြးေကာက္ တင္ေျမာက္ရတာပါ။ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုေတာ့ တျပည္နယ္ကို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ဦးေရ ညီတူမွ်တူ (ျပည္နယ္လူဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ဘဲ ရွိေနပါေစ) အေရအတြက္ အတူတူဘဲ ေပးထားပါတယ္။ ျပည္နယ္တခုကို ႏွစ္ဦးက်စီ ဘဲလႊတ္ခြင့္ရွိပါတယ္။ အင္မတန္ေသးငယ္တဲ့ ကၽြန္းငယ္ငယ္ေလး ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ျပည္နယ္ေလးကလဲ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ႏွစ္ဦးဘဲ အင္မတန္ႀကီးမားျပီး လူဦးေရသိပ္မ်ားတဲ့ ျပည္နယ္ႀကီးကလဲ ႏွစ္ဦးပါဘဲ။

တခါ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုဟာ ဒီဘက္ေခတ္ကာလ ဘုရင္စံနစ္(အဂၤလိပ္) ေတြကို ေတာ္လွန္ျပီး ဒိမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ကို ခုိင္ခို္င္မာမာ ဦးေဆာင္ေနတယ္။ နိုင္ငံေရးက တည္ျငိမ္တယ္ နိုင္ငံေရး တည္ျငိမ္ေတာ့ စီးပြားေရး၊ ပညာေရးမွာ ဦးေဆာင္လာနိုင္ျပီး ကမၻာကိုဦးေဆာင္ေနပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အခုဆိုအတုိက္အခံ အင္အားစုအမ်ားဆံုးကလည္း အေမရိကန္မွာ အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ေနႀကတယ္။ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ့ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒဟာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ နုိင္ငံအတြက္ စံနမူနာျပဳေျပာဆို ဥပမာေပး ခိုင္းႏွဳိင္း ေျပာဆိုတတ္ႀကပါတယ္။

တိုင္းရင္းသားနိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစုေတြကလည္း အေမရိကန္ဖြဲ ့စည္းပံုကို နမူထားေျပာဆိုတတ္ႀကပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ေျပာစရာေတြ ရွိလာပါတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ေရးဆြဲထားတဲ့ဖြဲ ့စည္းပံုကို ျပည္ေထာင္စုစစ္စစ္မူ လို႔ဆိုထားတယ္။ ျပီးေတာ့ဒီမူက အေမရိကန္မူကို နမူနာ ယူထားတယ္ ဆိုႀကပါတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ လံုး၀ႀကီး ေျပာင္းျပန္ ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ ထပ္ျပီးေျပာပါမယ္။ တိုင္းရင္သားေတြရဲ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စုစစ္စစ္မူနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုမူက လံုး၀ႀကီး ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ တခါတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ့ မူကမွ ျပည္ေထာင္စုစစ္စစ္မူ ဆိုထားျပန္ေတာ့ သူတို႔နမူနာထားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္မူႀကီးက ျပည္ေထာင္စုမူ မစစ္ေတာ့တဲ့ သေဘာေရာက္သြားျပန္ပါတယ္ ။

ဘာေတြေႀကာင့္ ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္ ေျပာရပါသလဲဆိုေတာ့ အေမရိကန္မွာ အခုႀသစေတးလ်တို႔မွာ ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အပါအ၀င္ လူမ်ိဳးေပါင္းစံု ေရာက္ေနႀကပါျပီ။ အခုက်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္အခံ ၀က္ဆိုဒ္ေတြေပၚမွာ မင္းကဘာလူမ်ိဳး ငါတို႔ကညာလူမ်ိဳးေတြ ေအာ္ႀကီးဟစ္က်ယ္ လုပ္ေနႀကပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာလိုခ်ေနတာမ်ားပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုလူမ်ိဳးကိုခြဲျခားျပီး အျပင္မွာေျပာရင္ အလုပ္မွာကအစ ဒီလူဟာ လူမ်ိဳးေရးအစြဲႀကီးသူ လူမ်ိဳးေရးခြဲျခားသူ အျဖစ္ အသတ္မွတ္ ခံရမယ္ဆိုတာ ဒီလူေတြသိပ္သိတာေပါ့။ အျဖဴေတြနိုင္ငံမွာေန အျဖဴေတြႀကားမွာက်ေတာ့ လူကိုလူလို႔ဘဲ ေျပာဆိုေနႀကျပီး ျမန္မာျပည္သားခ်င္းႀကေတာ့မွ ဘာလူမ်ိဳးက ဘယ္လို ညာလူမ်ိဳးကနဲ႔ ေအာ္ခ်က္ထုတ္ေနတာေလး ျပန္ေတြးႀကည့္ႀကပါ။

ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ႏွစ္ရပ္ကို ယွဥ္ႀကည့္ရင္ အေမရိကန္မူနဲ႔ ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူက အတူတူပါဘဲ။ ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ျဖစ္ေနတာက အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာပါ။ ဟိုမွာက အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ဆိုတာက လူမ်ိဳးကို အေျခခံျပီး သတ္မွတ္ထားတာ မဟုတ္သလို ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈကိုလည္း ျပည္နယ္နံမည္(တနည္း-ေဒသကို အစြဲျပဳထားတယ္)။ ဒိီမွာက လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္။ လူမ်ိဳးကို အေျခခံျပီး ေရြးခ်ယ္ထားတာ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ လူမ်ိဳးေရးခြဲျခားထားျပီ။ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ အဲဒီလူမ်ိဳး အမည္တတ္ထာတာကို ေဆြးေႏြးေတာ့ သူတို႔က လူမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ မခြဲျခားပါဘူး။ ဥပမာရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ကေန ျမန္မာလဲ၀င္အေရြးခံခြင့္ ရွိပါတယ္ေပါ့။ ဒါဆိုဘာလို႔ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္လို႔ မသတ္မွတ္ခ်င္ ရတာလဲဆိုေတာ့ အေျဖခက္ေနႀကတယ္။

အဲဒီလို လူမ်ိဳးကို အေျခခံထားတာကိုက ဒီမိုကေရစီမူေတြ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံေတြနဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ လံုးလံုးႀကီးျဖစ္သြားပါျပီ။ ထပ္ေျပာပါမယ္။ လူမ်ိဳးဆိုတဲ့နာမကို ထဲ့သံုးျပီး သတ္မွတ္လိုက္ရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို မဟုတ္ေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ႀကိဳက္သလို သတ္မွတ္ေပေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီမဟုတ္ေတာ့ ဆိုတာကေတာ့ ေသခ်ာသြားျပီ။ ဘာလို႔လဲ.... ရွင္းပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီရဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္ ဖြင့္ဆိုခ်က္မွာ ပထမဦးဆံုးေသာ စာသားမ်ားမွာ ဆိုထားတာကိုက ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုသည္မွာ လူမ်ိဳး/ ဘာသာ/ အသားအေရာင္/ အသက္အရြယ္/ ပညာ/ က်ား/မ ဘာညာ မခြဲျခားေစရဟု ဆိုထားျပီး အခုဖက္ဒရယ္ စစ္စစ္မူႀကီးမွာ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ကို အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ (ယခင္ကေတာ့ လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္) ဆိုျပီး လူမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ ခြဲျခားထား မိလွ်က္သား ျဖစ္ေနလို႔ပါ ။

အဲဒီမွာ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုမူနဲ႔ ျပဒါးတလမ္း သံတလမ္း ကြဲထြက္သြားပါျပီ။ ေနာက္ျပီး က်ေနာ့္နဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးသူေတြ နမူနာေပးတတ္တာေလးက တူေနတတ္ပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားအေမရိကန္က ေမလီလင္းျပည္နယ္ေလးကို သိတယ္ေနာ္။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့သိပါတယ္ဆိုရင္ အဲဒီေမရီလင္း ျပည္နယ္ေလးက ေသးေသးေလး ဒါေပမဲ့ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ကို ျပည္နယ္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ တန္းတူ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ႏွစ္ဦးက် ခြဲတမ္းအရ တက္ရတယ္ေပါ့။ ခြဲတမ္းက တန္းတူရတယ္ေပါ့။

က်ေနာ္ကျပန္ေမးျပီ အဲဒီ ေမရီလင္းလူမ်ိဳးေတြက ဘာစကားေျပာသလဲေပါ့။ ဘယ္တိုင္းျပည္ကေန အေမရိကားကို လာေရာက္ အေျခခ်သူေတြလဲေပါ့။ အ၀တ္အစားက ဘယ္လို၀တ္စံုလဲ။ ေမးျပီ။ ခင္ဗ်ားက အေမရိကန္နိုင္ငံအေႀကာင္း သိပ္မသိေသးဘဲကိုး။ ေမရီလင္းဆိုတာ လူမ်ိဳးကို ေျပာေနတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ျပည္နယ္ေလး ျပည္နယ္ေလးမွ ေသးေသးေလး။ ေအာ္ဒါနဲ႔ ေျပာပါအံုး သူတို႔နဲ႔ ႏိွဳင္းယွဥ္ေျပာေနလို႔ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔မူနဲ႔ ဘယ္ေနရာ တူတာလဲေပါ့။ လာျပီ အခုက်ေနာ္တို႔မူက ကယားျပည္နယ္ေလးက ေသးေသးေလးေပမယ့္ အေမရိကန္လိုဘဲ လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ဗမာျပည္နယ္ႀကီးလိုဘဲ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ငါးဦး တန္းတူညီတူ တက္ခြင့္ ေပးထားတယ္ေပါ့။ လာျပီ က်ေနာ္ေထာက္ျပီ။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔က ခုနက ေမရီလင္းက လူမ်ိဳးနာမည္မဟုတ္ဘူး ေဒသအမည္ ျပည္နယ္ကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳတယ္လဲ ဆိုထားတယ္။ အခုခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ သံုးထားတာ လူမ်ိဳးအမည္ သံုးထားေတာ့ လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္တဲ့။ ဟိုမွာက ဘာလူမ်ိဳးကိုမွ စကားထဲထဲ့ မေျပာရဘူး။ နယ္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္စား ျပဳထားတာ။ ေနာက္ေမရီလင္းက နယ္သာေသးတာ ဓနအင္အားက အင္အားႀကီး လူဦးေရက်ေတာ့ အလြန္မ်ားတယ္။ မတူတာကိုလာ ဥပမာေပးေနတာ။ အဲဒီမွာ လႊဲေနျပီ ကြဲေနျပီ။ ေမရီလင္းက ေဒသ အမည္ကို ယူထားတာ။ လူမ်ိဳးဆိုတာ ျဖဴသလားမဲသလား။ ဒီမွာက ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳး၊ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳး၊ လူမ်ိဳးနာမည္ ယူထားတာကို ဒီႏွစ္ခုက အတူတူပါဘဲဆိုေတာ့ ။

နယ္ကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳ သတ္မွတ္ထားျပီး လူမ်ိဳးကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳထားတာ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ အဲဒီ့ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္က သူ႔နယ္သားေတြ နယ္အေႀကာင္းေတြ တင္ျပတဲ့အခါ ဘယ္လူမ်ိဳးကမွ မေက်နပ္စရာ မရွိေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒီမွာက ဥပမာ ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳး ကိုယ္စားလွယ္က ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳးအေရး ပိုေျပာေနတာဘဲ ငါတို႔ဓႏုေတြ ပအိုဝ္းေတြအေႀကာင္း မတင္ျပဘူးျဖစ္ကုန္ျပီ။ တခါ ဥပမာေပါ့  အမ်ိဳးသား/ လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ဆီဘဲ တက္ဖို႔ သတ္မွတ္လိုက္တယ္။ ထားပါေတာ့ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္မွာ ရွမ္းကတေယာက္ေပါ့ ထားပါ ပအိုဝ္းကတေယာက္ယူလိုက္ရင္ က်န္တဲ့လူမ်ိဳးစု အငယ္ေတြကို ဘယ္သူက ကိုယ္စားျပဳေတာ့မလဲ။ ျပဳပါတယ္ေျပာလဲ ပေထြးနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံရသလို ခံစားေနရျပီေလ။ လူမ်ိဳးအမည္ တပ္ထားေတာ့ သူ႔တို႔ကိုခ်န္ထားရျပီ။

တခါ ၀လူမ်ိဳးေတြကလဲ တပူထလာမယ္ေလ။ ပေလာင္ အားလံုး လိုခ်င္လာႀကမယ္။ ထားပါ ရွမ္းနဲ႔ ပအိုဝ္းကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ႏွစ္ဦးတက္ခြင့္ယူထားေတာ့ ပေလာင္က သူတို႔အေရးကိစၥကို ဘယ္သူကေန တင္ျပရမွာလဲ။ ရွမ္းကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ကေနလား။ ပအိုဝ္းကိုယ္စားလွယ္ကို ကပ္ရေတာ့မွာလား။ ထားေတာ့ အဲဒီမွာ ပေလာင္က တင္ျပခ်င္တာက သူတို႔ လူမ်ိုးစုနဲ႔ ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳးစုႀကား ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ျပသနာမ်ိဳးကို ဘယ္သူဆီက တင္ျပရေတာ့မလဲ။ အခုကို ၀လူမ်ိဳးစု နဲ ့ ရွမ္းေတြအႀကား နယ္ေျမပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈ ရွိေနတယ္ေလ။ လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္ကို ၀လူမ်ိဳးေတြက တင္ျပခ်င္ရင္ ဘယ္သူကေန တင္ျပရေတာ့မလဲ။

ေနာက္ ရွိပါေသးတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ေဆြးေႏြးတတ္တာေလး။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းက ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ ကရင္တက်ပ္ ဗမာတက်ပ္တဲ့။ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ဗမာ-တေယာက္တက္ရရင္၊ ကရင္လဲ တေယာက္ေပါ့။ အဲဒီမွာ က်ေနာ္ကေျပာျပီ။ ခင္ဗ်ားအခုက်ေနာ္နဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားက က်ေနာ့္ကိုေတာ့ စကားကို ကပ္သပ္ျပီးေျပာတယ္ေပါ့။ က်ဳပ္ေျပာေနတာ ဥပေဒရႈေဒါင့္ကေန။  ခၽြင္းခ်က္ ဟာကြက္မရွိေအာင္ ေဒါင့္ေစ့ေအာင္ေျပာေနတာ။ ဒါက်ဳပ္က မူေတြဘာေတြ ဘာမွ သိပ္သိတာ တတ္တာ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူး။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဦးေဏွာက္နဲ႔ ႏိွဳင္းရင္ ျဖဳတ္ကေလးေလာက္ရွိတာ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္က စကားေျပာရင္ ဘယ္စကားက တခ်ိန္မွာ ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္မယ္ ဘယ္လိုအဓိၶပါယ္ ယူသြားနိုင္တယ္ဆိုတာ က်ဳပ္ထက္အဆ ရာခ်ီမက ႀကိဳျမင္တယ္။ ဒါေႀကာင့္သူ ့စကားက ဗမာတေယာက္တမဲ၊ ကရင္တေယာက္လဲတမဲ ဘယ္သူမွ မဲပိုမရေစရလို႔ဆိုခဲ့တာ။ ဗမာျပည္နယ္တမဲ လို႔ေျပာခ်င္ရင္ စကားေျပာကထဲက ဗမာျပည္နယ္ထည္႔ ေျပာမွာေပါ့။ အဲဒီလိုေျပာခ်င္ရင္ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္လို႔ ေျပာရေအာင္ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္လို႔ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ေျပာတာေခၚတာ မရွိေသးဘူး မဆိုႀကေသးဘူး။ ျပည္နယ္ကို သူညႊန္းျပီး ေျပာခ်င္ရင္ ဗမာျပည္နယ္ တက်ပ္၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္တက်ပ္ လို႔ဘဲ ေျပာမွာေပါ့ ။ ကခ်င္က ျပည္နယ္အေနနဲ႔ ေခၚေျပာဆိုေနျပီေလ။ အဲဒီတုန္းက ခ်င္းကိုေတာင္ ခ်င္း၀ိေသသတိုင္းဘဲ သံုးေနေသးတာ။ ခ်င္းျပည္နယ္လို႔ကို မသံုးေသးဘူး။

ဖက္ဒရယ္မူမွာ တကယ္တန္းက တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ေဆြးေႏြးထားတာ ျမင္ထားတာက ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ျမန္မာက လူမ်ားစုရထားတယ္။ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ျမန္မာေတြက သူတို႔ျဖစ္ခ်င္တာကိုခ်ည္း ဆံုးျဖတ္မယ္။ သူတို႔ကလူမ်ားစု။ အဲဒီလို ဆံုးျဖတ္ထားတာကို လူမ်ိဳးစုလႊတ္ေတာ္ကေန ဗမာကိုယ္စားလွယ္က ငါးဦးဘဲရွိေတာ့ က်န္လူမ်ိဳးစု ခုနစ္မ်ိဳးက-စုစုေပါင္း (၃၅-ေယာက္)နဲ႔ အေပးအယူလုပ္ျပီး ျပန္ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္မယ္ဆုိတဲ့ စိတ္ကူးနဲ႔ ဒီလိုလူမ်ိဳးစု လႊတ္ေတာ္နဲ႔ ဆြဲထားတာဆိုတာ သိရပါတယ္ ။

အဲဒီလိုသာဆိုရင္ ဗမာေတြက တခုခုလုပ္ခ်င္ရင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အၾကပ္ကိုင္သမွ် လည္စင္းခံေနရေတာ့မွာ။ ဒီေတာ့တခ်ိဳ႕ ဗမာေတြက နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ကို ေတာ္လွန္တာ ဗမာက ဦးေဆာင္တယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြဆိုရင္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ရဲ႕ လက္ကိုင္ဒုတ္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႔ကို အသက္ဆက္ ေပးေနသူေတြ။  အသက္ေပးႀကရတာ အမ်ားစုက ဗမာ။ အခုလြတ္လပ္ေရးရလာျပီး ျပည္ေထာင္စုဖြဲ႔ေတာ့ ဗမာက ဘာလုပ္ခ်င္လုပ္ခ်င္ ငါတို႔က သူတို ့သနားမွ လုပ္ခြင့္ရေတာ့မဲ့ ဘ၀ကို ခ်ိဳးထားတယ္ျဖစ္လာျပီ။ လူမ်ိဳးစုလို လုပ္လိုက္တာန႔ဲ လူဦးးေရ သန္း၄၀-ရွိတဲ့ ဗမာက ၅- ေယာက္။ လူဦးေရ-၁၅-သန္းက ဘဲရွိတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြက- ၃၅.-ေယာက္ဆိုေတာ့ တရားမွ်တမႈ ရွိတယ္မရွိဘူး နိုင္ငံတကာပညာရွင္ေတြကိုသာ ခ်ျပႀကပါ။

တကယ္က တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြက ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာကို လူအနည္းငယ္သာရွိေပမဲ့ ဗမာရတဲ့ အခ်ိဳးထက္ ပိုမိုတဲ့ အခ်ိဳးနဲ႔ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေနရာ ပိုရထားပါတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူဦးေရ စုစုေပါင္းနဲ႔ သူတို႔ရထားတဲ့ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေနရာနဲ႔ ဗမာျပည္နယ္ေတြမွာ ရွိတဲ့ လူဦးေရစုစုေပါင္းနဲ႔ ဗမာျပည္နယ္ေတြက ရထားတဲ့ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ အခ်ိဳးကို ခ်တြက္ႀကည့္ရင္ ေပၚေနပါတယ္။

ဥပမာ ကယားျပည္နယ္ကို ႀကည့္ပါ။ ျမိဳ႕ေတြက ေသးေသးေလးေတြ။ ျမိဳ႕နယ္လို႔ သတ္မွတ္လိုက္တာနဲ ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ေနရာေပးရျပီ။ ျမိဳ႕က မဲေပးနိုင္သူဦးေရက ၁၂၀၀- ၁၈၀၀- ဘဲရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီအတြက္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ တဦးရျပီ။ ဗမာျပည္နယ္ေတြမွာ ျမိဳ႕ေတြက လူဦးေရကမ်ားေတာ့ မဲေပးခြင့္ရွိသူ တသိန္းကိုမွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္တဦးရတာနဲ႔ ယွဥ္ႀကည့္ပါ။ အဲဒီလိုအသာရထား တာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးပါ ။

ဥပမာ တမ်ိဳးလွဲ႔ေပးရရင္ ကယားျပည္နယ္က လူဦးေရစုစုေပါင္းမွ ၂.၅-သိန္း။ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၁၂-ဦိးခန္႔ရထားတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းက လူဦးေရ ၆-သန္းခန္႔။ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္က်ေတာ့ ၄၀-ေလာက္(ထင္)။ ကယားနဲ႔ အခ်ိဳးခ်ႀကည့္လိုက္ရင္ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းလို လူဦးေရနဲ႔ ကယားရတဲ့အခ်ိဳးနဲ႔ တြက္ႀကည့္ရင္ ကယားျပည္နယ္ကို လူ-၆.၀ သန္းနဲ ့ တြက္လိုက္ရင္္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၂၅၀-ေလာက္ျဖစ္ေနျပီေလ။

ထားေတာ့ အခုရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူက ၁၉၆၀-မတိုင္ခင္က တေလွ်ာက္လံုး ရွစ္ျပည္နယ္မူဘဲ ရွိေနရာကေန နယ္စပ္မွာတင္ ဘယ္လိုေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္ေတာ့မသိ ၂၀၀၈- မွာက်ေတာ့ ဧရာ၀တီအမ်ိဳးသားျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ တနသာၤရီအမ်ိဳးသားျပည္နယ္ ဆိုျပီး ႏွစ္ျပည္နယ္ထပ္တိုးထားတယ္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ထပ္ျပီးတိုးဖို ့ ႏွစ္ေနရာ အရာေပးထားလာတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာတင္ သူ႔ဟာသူ လႊဲေနတာျပေနျပီ။ ဧရာ၀တီက လူမ်ိဳးမွမဟုတ္တာ။ ေဒသကို အစြဲျပဳေခၚထားတာ။ ဧရာ၀တီစကား ဧရာ၀တီစာေပ ရိုးရာအ၀တ္အစားဆိုတာ ရွိမွမရွိတာ။ ဒီလိုဘဲ တနသၤာရီအမ်ိဳးသားလို႔ သံုးရေအာင္ တနသၤာရီလူမ်ိဳးဆိုတာမွ မရွိခဲ့တာ။ ဘိတ္သား၊ ထား၀ယ္သား၊ ရန္ကုန္သား၊ ေရႊဘိုသား ဆိုတာက ျမိဳ႔ကိုအစြဲျပဳ ေခၚေျပာႀကတာပါ။ နိုင္ငံတကာေရာက္ ပညာရွင္ႀကီးေတြ ေရးဆြဲထားတာ က်ေနာ္လဲ နားမလည္ေတာ့ဘူး။ သူတို႔ကပညာရွင္ေတြေလ။

ဆက္လက္ ေရးသားတင္ျပပါမည္..
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