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အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေပၚေပါက္ျခင္း



မနုႆေဗဒပညာရွင္မ်ား၏အလုိအရ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းသုံေသာင္းေလာက္ကစျပီး လူဟာ သူတုိ ့ရဲ့လူ ့အဖြဲ ့အစည္းမ်ားကုိ စတင္ထူေထာင္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ျပီလို ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ လူသားရဲ့ ပထမဆုံးေအာင္ျမင္စြာေပၚထြက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ အဖြဲ ့အစည္းသ႑န္ဟာ မိသားစုဘ၀ျဖစ္တည္ဖုိ ့နဲ ့သားရဲတိရိစၦာန္တုိ ့အႏၱရာယ္ေတြက ကာကြယ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ ့အတြက္ မရွိမျဖစ္ ဖြဲ ့စည္းေနထုိင္ခဲ့ရတာျဖစ္တယ္လုိ ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့သည္လုိစုဖြဲ ့ေနထုိင္ျခင္းအတြင္းမွာ ဗဟုိဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မူမရွိသလုိ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံ စည္းမ်ဥ္းဥပေဒမ်ားလည္း မရွိခဲ့ပါ။ သုိ ့ေသာ္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းတေသာင္းေလာက္ကစျပီး အာရွမုိင္နား (Asia Minor) နဲ ့မက္ဆုိပုိေတးမီးယား(Mesopotamia) ေျမာက္ပုိင္းေဒသမ်ားမွာ လူမူေရးနဲ ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မူေတရွိလာခဲ့ျပီလုိ ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းကာလေတြမွာေတာ့ လူေတြဟာ ျမဳိ ့ျပေတြကုိတည္ေထာင္လာႏုိင္ခဲ့ခ်ိန္မွာ လူမူေရးျပႆနာေတြကုိထိမ္းသိမ္းႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ ရွဳပ္ေထြးတဲ့

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ နည္းလမ္းေတြကုိ အစျပဳက်င့္သုံးလာရပါေတာ့တယ္။ ျမဳိ ့ျပေတြမွာတုိးပြါးလာေသာ လူဦးေရေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတဲ့ ျပႆနာရပ္ေတြကုိ ေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ တရားဥပေဒအက်ဳံး၀င္ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာအစုအဖြဲကအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအာဏာကုိကုိင္စြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရတဲ့အဆင့္ကုိရာက္ရွိေစခဲ့ပါေတာ့တယ္။'အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည္' (Govern) ဟူေသာ စကားလုံးသည္ အလယ္ေခတ္အဂၤလိပ္အသုံးအနွဳံးgovernen နဲ ့ေရွးေဟာင္း ျပင္သစ္စကားလုံး governor တုိ ့ကဆင္းသက္လာခဲ့ျပီးလက္တင္ဘာသာအရ gubernare ဆုိတာ လမ္းညႊန္သည္ ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသည္ လုိ  ့အဓိပၸါယ္ရပါတယ္။ ဂရိဘာသာမွာေတာ့ kubernan လို ့ေရးသားျပီး "လမ္းညႊန္ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသည္" ဆုိတဲ့အဓိပၸါ့ယ္ကုိေဆာင္ပါတယ္။ သည့္ေနာက္ kubernetes လုိ ့ေခၚတဲ့'ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသူ' ဆုိတဲ့ ဂရ္ိေ၀ါဟာရကုိ အစုိးရလုိ ့သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ မူရင္းအဓိပၸါယ္ကေတာ့ "ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသူ" (Steersman) သုိ ့မဟုတ္ "ပဲ့ကုိင္သူ(Helmsman) ပါပဲ။ ဂရိအယူအဆမွာ သေဘၤာႏွင့္တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ တင္စားထားျခင္းပါပဲသည္လုိ သေဘၤာတစီးနဲ ့တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ ထပ္တူတင္စားမူမ်ဳိးကုိ ပေလးတုိးနဲ ့ အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္တုိ ့ရဲ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၂၄၀၀) ကအေရးအသားေတြမွာ the ship of state ဆုိျပီးသုံးႏွုံးခဲ့တာကုိ ေတြ ့ရွိရပါတယ္။



သတင္းေခတ္နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး တုိက္ရုိက္သက္ဆုိင္မူ



အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံပညာရွင္ ကားလ္ဒုတ္ခ်္ (Karl Deutch) ကေတာ့သူ ့ရဲ့Cybernetics ေခၚ 'ဆက္သြယ္ေရးသိပၸံပညာ' အရ အစုိးရတရပ္ရဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းျခင္းဆုိတာနဲ ့ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းဖြင့္ဆုိထားပါတယ္။ "ယေန ့ေခတအစုိးရတရပ္ရဲ့ ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းပဲ့ကုိင္ျခင္းဟာ - ျပင္ပကမၻာၾကီးက ၀င္ေရာက္လာတဲ့သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအား သုိေလွာင္သိမ္းဆည္းျပီးေနာက္ လုိအပ္သလုိေျပာင္းလဲအသုံးခ်မူျဖစ္တယ္" (လက္ခံရရွိေသာ သတင္းဟုဆုိရာ၌ ႏုိင္ငံျခားတုိင္းျပည္မ်ားရွိသံရုံးမ်ား ေရျခားေျမျခားေရာက္စစ္တပ္မ်ား အစုိရမဟုတ္ေသာအဖြဲ ့အစည္းမ်ား ႏုိင္ငံျခားတုိင္းျပည္မ်ားသုိ ့သြားေရာက္အေျခစုိက္ လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေသာစီးပြါးေရးလုပ္ငန္းဆုိင္ရာ ကုမၼဏီမ်ား စသည္တုိ ့ထံမွ သတင္းမ်ား အခ်က္အလက္မ်ား ပါ၀င္တယ္လုိ ့ဆုိပါတယ္။



ကားလ္၏အယူအဆသည္ အစုိးရတရပ္၏လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္အား ေခတ္သစ္ကမၻာ၏ရွဴ ့ေဒါင့္ထခုမွ သုံးသပ္ေသာ ျမင္ကြင္းတခုသာျဖစ္သည္ဟုယူဆႏုိင္စရာရွိေသာ္လည္း သူ၏တင္ျပခ်က္ႏွင့္ စစ္လွ်ဥ္း၍ ေစာဒကတက္စရာမရွိေအာင္ မွန္ကန္ေနေသာအခ်က္မ်ားလည္းရွိပါသည္။ အေၾကာင္းကေတာ့ သတင္း (ေကာင္းသတင္းျဖစ္ေစ ဆုိးသတင္းျဖစ္ေစ) နဲ ့ေကာလဟာလ (မွန္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ မွားသည္ျဖစ္ေစ)မ်ားသည္ လူတုိ ့၏စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္မွ တုိက္ရုိက္ေစစားႏုိင္ျပီး အဆုိပါေစစားမူမွတဆင့္ စိတ္ပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာႏွင့္ ရုပ္ပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာ တုံ ့ျပန္မူမ်ားရွိေသာေၾကာင့္ပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း (မတ္လ ၁၉၊ ၁၉၄၅) က ပစၥိဖိတ္သမုဒၵရာအတြင္း၌ လူတေထာင္ေက်ာ္ေသေၾကပ်က္စီးခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ေလယာဥ္တင္သေဘၤာ 'ယူအက္စ္အက္စ္ ဖရန္ကလင္' ရဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ စစ္ႏုိင္လုိတဲ့အေမရိကန္အာဏာပုိင္ေတြက လအတန္ၾကာသည္အထိ ျပည္သူကုိအသိမေပးခဲ့ပဲ မစ္ဒ္ေ၀တုိက္ပဲြမွာ ဂ်ပန္ေရတပ္ကုိ သူတုိ ့အႏုိင္ရျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွ သည္သတင္းကုိထုတ္ေဖၚေျပာဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။



ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက အာဏာရွင္အစုိးရအဆက္ဆက္သည္လည္း သူတုိ ့အာဏာတည္ျမဲေရးအတြက္ ျပည္တြင္းကေနျပည္ပကုိထြက္မည့္ သတင္းမ်ားကုိထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ေနသလုိ ျပည္ပကေန၀င္လာမည့္သတင္းမ်ားကုိလည္း ေၾကာက္လန္တၾကားအထူးသတိထားထိမ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည္ကုိေတြ ့ၾကရမွာျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္သူေတြမခံမရပ္ႏုိင္ျဖစ္မဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ သတင္းတခုဟာ မတရားသျဖင့္ အဓမၼရယူထားတဲ့သူတုိ ့ရဲ့ ရာထူးစည္းစိမ္ ေတြနဲ ့အာဏာကုိ အခ်ိန္မေရႊးထိပါးႏုိင္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ပါပဲ။ သည့္အတြက္ ကြန္ျပဴတာသတင္းကြန္ယက္ (Internet)ေတြကုိ ေၾကာက္လန္ ့ ေသြးပ်က္ျပီး အဓမၼထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ထားျခင္းဟာ သတင္းနဲ ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးရဲ့ တုိက္ရုိက္သက္ဆုိင္ေနမူပါပဲ။ ယေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ အင္တာနကကုိ အျခားတုိးတက္တဲ့ လူ ့အဖြဲ ့အစည္းေတြလုိ အျပည့္အ၀သုံးစြဲခြင့္ျပဳလုိက္မယ္ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ ့လည္ပင္းကုိ သူတုိ ့ျကုိးကြင္းစြပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိေကာင္းေကာင္း သိေနၾကတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ပါပဲ။



'အစုိးရ' ႏွင့္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္'



ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားအမ်ားစုသည္ 'အစုိးရ' (Government) ႏွင့္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္'(Nation-State) ဟူေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရႏွစ္ခုအား ျပက္ျပက္ထင္ထင္ နားမလည္ၾကပဲ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ဟူေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရတလုံးေၾကာင့္ တုိင္းျပည္ စုံးစုံးျမဳတ္ရမည့္အျဖစ္ကုိ ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္မွာ အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေက်ာ္ၾကာျမင့္ခဲေလျပီ။ မ.ဆ.လေခတ္ကတည္းက ေန၀င္း စန္းယု တုိ ့ပါးစပ္မွအကြပ္အညွပ္မရွိပရမ္းပတာထြက္က်လာေသာအမိန္ ့မ်ားကုိ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာမွခ်မွတ္ေသာ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား' ဟုဆုိကာေလးတန္းအထိမသင္ဖူးခဲ့ေသာ ရပ္ကြက္ေကာင္စီဥကၠဌမ်ား၊ (၇) တန္းမေအာင္ေသာ ေစာေမာင္ႏွင့္ ေျခာက္တန္းမေအာင္ေသာ စိန္လြင္ကဲ့သုိ ့စစ္အရာရွိမ်ားတလကုိသၾကားတဆယ္သားရ၍ မ၀င္မျဖစ္၀င္ခဲ့ရေသာ အလုပ္သမားအစည္း
အရုံးအဖြဲ ့၀င္ ဆုိကၠားသမားႏွင့္ ကြမ္းယာသည္မ်ား၊ ဓါတ္ေျမၾသဇာကုိ အစုိးရထုတ္ေစ်းႏွင့္ရရွိရန္ မ၀င္မျဖစ္၀င္ခဲ့ရေသာ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားအစည္းအရုံး၀င္ လယ္သမားမ်ား၊ အလြန္တရားရုိးစင္းလွသည္ လူငယ္ဘ၀ကုိမ်က္မွန္စိမ္းတပ္ေပးထားျခင္းခံရေသာ လမ္းစဥ္လူငယ္ဆုိသူမ်ား - အားလုံး (အားလုံး) တုိ ့
၏ ႏွဳတ္ဖ်ား၌ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က ခ်မွတ္ေသာမူ၀ါဒမ်ား' 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကခ်မွတ္ေသာလုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းမ်ား' စသည္ျဖင့္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာျဖင့္ဆုိင္ေသာ ကိစၥရပ္အားလုံးသည္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ဟူေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရတလုံးျဖင့္ လုံးတုပ္ ထားခံရသည္မွာ ယေန ့ကာလအထိပင္ျဖစ္သည္။



ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြက္ အသက္ေပးရသည္။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြက္လုပ္အားေပးရသည္။ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သုိ ့စပါးေပးသြင္းရသည္။ စသည္ျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဆုိသည္မွာ အလုံးလားအျပားလား သက္ရွိလား သက္မဲ့လား မသိ။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဆုိတာ ငါ့အထက္ကလားငါ့ေအာက္ကလား ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ရန္ အခြင့္မသာခဲ့ၾက။ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ကိစၥသည္သမ၀ါယမဆုိင္က ႏုိ ့ဆီ သၾကား ငစိန္ဆန္ မီးထြန္းရန္ ေရနံဆီတုိ ့ေလာက္အေရးမၾကီးေသာ္လည္း ဆင္းရဲတြင္း၌အသက္ဆက္ဖုိ ့ အတြက္ မ.ဆ.ေခတ္ (၂၆) ႏွစ္တြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ဆုိေသာအသုံးအႏွဳံးသည္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာကဲ့သုိ တည္ေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ "ဒါႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က ခ်မွတ္ထားတာ" ဟုတစုံတဦးကေျပာလုိက္ပါက အေျပာခံရသူမွာ ေစာဒက တစုံတရာမတက္ရဲေလာက္ေအာင္ပင္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာဆန္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ၁၉၈၈ ေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဆုိတာဘာလဲလုိ ့ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ရေကာင္း စူးစမ္းရေကာင္းမွန္းသိလာၾကသည္။



'အစုိးရ' ႏွင့္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' သည္သေဘာသဘာ၀အားျဖင့္ အလြန္တရာကြာျခားလွပါသည္။ အစုိးရ ဆုိသည္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္လာရျပီး ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သည္အစုိးရအတြက္ ျဖစ္တည္ေနရျခင္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ အစုိးရသည္သာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုအလုပ္အေျကြးျပဳရန္ ဖြဲ ့စည္းပၚေပါက္လာရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္၊ (ဤသုိ ့- အစုိးရ
ေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ျဖစ္ေနရတဲ့ သ႑န္ဟုတ္ေယာင္မူ အဓမၼစံနစ္ဆုိးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္ေရတိမ္နစ္ရေတာ့မည့္ အေျခကုိဆုိက္ခဲ့ရ ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္)။



ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ (Nation-State) ဆုိသည္မွာ Sovereignty ေခၚအခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာပုိင္ျပီး
Demarcation နယ္နိမိတ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ဧရိယာအက်ယ္အ၀န္းထဲမွာ ေနထုိင္ၾကသူေတြအားလုံးက တရားစီရင္ေရးအာဏာ၊ ဥပေဒျပဳအာဏာ နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မူအာဏာ သုံးရပ္ကုိပုိင္ဆုိင္တဲ့အ၀န္းအ၀ုိင္း ကုိေခၚဆုိျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ၏အမည္အတြင္း၌ျပည္သူ၊ တုိင္းျပည္နယ္နိမိတ္၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမူ သယံဇာတ အစုိးရကာကြယ္ေရးအတြက္စစ္တပ္ စသည္ တုိ ့အားလုံးပါ၀င္တဲ့ ႏွစ္ကာလၾကာျမင့္စြာရွိေနခဲ့တဲ့ ခုိင္ခန္ ့ေသာယႏၱယားျဖစ္တယ္လုိ ့ဖြင့္ဆုိပါတယ္။



မည္သည့္အစုိးရတက္တက္ တုိင္းျပည္မပ်က္သ၍ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သည္ပကတိအတုိင္းတည္ရွိေနမည္သာျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ ့အတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က မည္သည့္အမိန္ ့အာဏာကုိမွ်ျပည္သူကုိခ်မွတ္ခုိင္းေစလိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ပဲ - ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကသာ ယင္း၏ တည္တံ့ခုိင္ျမဲေရးအတြက္ အစုိရေတြကုိေမြးဖြားေစျခင္းျဖစ္ေပသည္။ ယေန ့ႏုိင္ငံတကာရဲ့ဥပေဒအရ တုိင္းျပည္တခုရဲ့ အစုိးရေျပာင္းလဲမူဟာ သည္တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ့ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏပုိင္ဆုိင္မူ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ မူလ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' တည္ရွိမူကုိ ေျပာင္းလဲမူမရွိ လုိ ဖြင့္ဆုိထားပါတယ္။



'အစုိးရ' ဆုိတာ စုစည္းထားတဲ့ အစုအဖြဲ ့တခုမွ်သာျဖစ္ျပီး သည္အဖြဲ ့အစည္းဟာႏုိင္ငံေရးအာဏာ တရားစီရင္ေရးအာဏာနဲ ့ ဥပေဒျပဳမူအာဏာေတြကုိ အခ်ိန္ကန္ ့သတ္ခ်က္အရ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းနဲ ့အညီ အကန္ ့အသတ္နဲ ့လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့ေပးထားျခင္းခ့ရတဲ့ အစုအဖြဲ ့သာလွ်င္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္ေတြရဲ့ ဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္အရ'အစုိးရ' ဆုိတာ 'ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာ' (Political) လို ့သတ္မွတ္ျပီး အတက္အကအနိမ့္အျမင့္ရွိတယ္လို ့ဖြင့္ဆုိပါတယ္။



သည္ေတာ့ 'ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ဆုိတာ တိက်တဲ့အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏာ

နဲ ့ခုိင္မာတဲ့ နယ္နိမိတ္သတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ရွိတဲ့ ယႏၱရား ျဖစ္ျပီး 'ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာ

ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အစုိးရ' ဆုိတာ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံေတာ္နဲ ့လက္ရွိ ပစၥဳပၸန္မွာတင္ သက္ဆုိင္

ေနတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ အလုပ္အေၾကြးျပဳေနတဲ့ အစုအဖြဲ ့ကုိဆုိလိုပါတယ္။

သည္အစုအဖြဲ ့ဟာ ဘယ္လုိအစုအဖြဲ ့ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ အပုိင္စားရထား

ျခင္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏အေရးသည္ 'အမ်ဳိးသားေရး' ဟူေသာ ေလးနက္မူ

အသြင္ကုိအျပည့္အ၀ေဆာင္ယူသည္။ အခါမ်ားစြာတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးသည္

အစုိးရဟူေသာ အစုအဖြဲ ့၏လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ထက္ ေက်ာ္လြန္သြားေသာ

'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏အေရး' ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤသုိ ့ေသာအမ်ဳိးသားေရး ကိစၥမ်ားျဖစ္ေပၚလာခ်ိန္

တြင္ ျပည္သူတရပ္လုံးသည္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အဓြန္ ့ရွည္တည္တန္ ့ေရးအတြက္' မလႊဲ

မေရွာင္သာ ပါ၀င္လာရေပေတာ့သည္။ ( ဥပမာ ႏုိင္ငံျခားရန္ကုိ ခုခံကာကြယ္မူ

ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္အ၀ွမ္း သဘာ၀ေဘးဒုကၡကပ္ဆုိးၾကီးမ်ားက်ေရာက္မူ၊ တုိင္းျပည္တြင္

အငတ္ေဘးရင္ဆုိင္ရမူ၊ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆုံဆည္ကဲ့သုိ ့ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ပ်က္စီးမည့္

အေရးကိစၥၾကီးမ်ား)။ ထုိအခါ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြင္းရွိ ႏုိင္ငံသားအားလုံးသည္ မူလ

'အထြဋ္အထိပ္' ျဖစ္ေသာ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ကုိေစာင့္ေလွ်ာက္ကာကြယ္ရန္အတြက္

ပါ၀င္လာၾကရေပေတာ့သည္။



အမ်ဳိးသားေရး



တုိတုပ္တိက်စြာဖြင့္ဆုိရလွ်င္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' တည္ရွိမူကုိ တနည္းနည္းနဲ ့ခ်ိနဲလာေစမူ

မွန္သမွ်ကုိ ကာကြယ္ခ်ိန္တြင္ - အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသြင္သ႑န္ဟာ ထင္ထင္ရွားရွား

ေပၚထြက္လာပါေတာ့တယ္။



ကေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ့ လူဦးေရ သန္း (၅၅ - ၆၀) မွာ ခုခံအားက်ေရာဂါ ေခၚတဲ့ ကမၻာနာ

(AIDS / HIV) ျဖစ္ေနသူ ငါးသိန္းေက်ာ္ရွိေနျပီး သည္ကိန္းဂဏန္းဟာ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး

(၁၀၀) မွာ တေယာက္နီးပါးဟာ သည္ေရာဂါေ၀ဒနာရွင္ေတြျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့

သေဘာပါပဲ (မွတ္ခ်က္ - လူဦးေရ သန္း သုံးဆယ္ရွိတဲ့ ကေနဒါႏုိင္ငံမွာ အဆုိပါေရာ

ဂါရွင္ တေသာင္းပဲရွိတဲ့အတြက္ ကေနဒီယံ သုံးေထာင္မွာ တေယာက္သာသည္ေရာဂါရွိ

သူျဖစ္ပါတယ္)။ ကေန ့ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးအမ်ားစုၾကီးဟာ အဟာရဓါတ္ခ်ဳိ ့တဲ့မူ အထူးသျဖင့္

ေမြးစ ကေလး (၄) ဦးမွာ (၂) ဦးဟာ ေပါင္ခ်ိန္မျပည့္ျဖစ္ေနပါျပီ။ က်န္ေပါင္ခ်ိန္ျပည့္ေသာ

ကေလး (၂) ေယာက္ထဲက (၁) ေယာက္ကလည္း ထမင္းရည္ေသာက္ျပီးၾကီးေနရတဲ့

အေျခအေနပါပဲ။ ျမန္မာတုိင္းရင္းသားစစ္စစ္ အရြယ္ေရာက္သူ အရြယ္ေကာင္းေတြ

က်န္းမာေရးေကာင္းသူေတြ ပညာတတ္ေတြ ျပည္ပကုိအလုံးအရင္းနဲ ့ထြက္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ

တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ လာဘ္စားမူနဲ ့လည္ပတ္အုပ္ခ်ုဳပ္ေနတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြကုိ အခြင့္ေကာင္း

ယူျပီး ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းကုိျပည္ပကလူမ်ဳိးျခားေတြ အလုံးအရင္းနဲ ့၀င္ေရာက္ေနရာယူ

ေနပါတယ္ (ရာဇ၀င္ထဲက မႏၱေလးျမဳိ ့ၾကီး ရာဇ၀င္ထဲမွာက်န္ခဲ့ပါျပီ)။ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး

ႏွစ္သန္းေက်ာ္ဟာ (မိမိတုိ ့အဘုိးအေဘးေတြထက္ထက္က ႏုိင္ခ်င္တုိင္းနုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့) ထုိင္း

ႏုိင္ငံမွာမ်က္ႏွာငယ္နဲ ့ကြ်န္ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္။ က်န္တဲ့ ျမန္မာပညာတတ္လူငယ္လူရြယ္

သိန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ ကုိရီးယား၊ ဂ်ပန္၊ စကၤာပူ၊ မေလးရွား ယူေအအီး စတဲ့တုိင္းျပည္

ေတြမွာ ကြ်န္ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္။ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ ေမြးဖြားေပးခဲ့တဲ့

ျမန္မာ့အေမြအႏွစ္ ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသားပုိင္ အမိဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ၾကီးဟာ ျကုိးမိန္ ့ေပးခံထား

ရျပီး ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံးရဲ့ အနာဂတ္ဟာ မေတြး၀ံ့စရာအေျခအေနမ်ဳိးနဲ ့လည္း

ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရပါတယ္။ နာဂစ္နဲ ့ဂီရိလုိ စုနမီနဲ ့မုန္တုိင္းၾကီးေတြေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး

ေတြ သိန္းခ်ီေသခဲ့ျပီး အခုထက္ထိနလန္မထူေသးပါဘူး။ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအတြင္း

မွာ ဘယ္တုံးကနဲ ့မွမတူတဲ့ ေသြးကြဲမူ နာက်ည္းမူေတြနဲ ့တဘက္နဲ ့တဘက္ စစ္ပြဲ

ေတြျဖစ္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ အခုလုိ ျမန္မာ့သမုိင္းမွာဘယ္တုံးကမွ မျကုံခဲ့ရဖူးတဲ့

အျဖစ္ဆုိးေတြ ကုိခံစားေနရတဲ့ အခုအခ်ိန္ကုိ National Crisis ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လုိ ့

မုခ်ေျပာလုိ ့ရခဲ့ပါျပီ။ ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံး အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအျမင္နဲ ့ 'နုိင္ငံေတာ္'

ကုိအဖက္ဖက္က ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ဖုိ ့အလွ်င္အျမန္လုိအပ္ေနခဲ့ပါျပီ။



အစုိးရရဲ့တာ၀န္



အဂၤလိပ္အေတြးအေခၚပညာရွင္ ေသာမတ္စ္ေဟာဗ္စ္ (Thomas Hobbes) က

အစုိးရရဲ့ပ်က္ကြက္မူေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူတဦးခ်င္းစီမွာ က်ေရာက္တဲ့ေ၀ဒနာေတြကုိ

'အထီးက်န္ျခင္း၊ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးျခင္း၊ အသုိက္အျမဳံပ်က္ျခင္း၊ လူအဆင့္မွယုတ္

ေလ်ာ့ရျခင္း၊ အသက္တုိရျခင္း' တုိ ့ျဖစ္ရသည္လုိ ့ေရးသားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေခတ္

အဆက္ဆက္က အေတြးအေခၚပညာရွင္ေတြအားလုံး သေဘာတူတဲ့အခ်က္

ကေတာ့ 'အစုိးရရဲ့တာ၀န္' ဆုိတာ သူ ့တုိင္းျပည္ထဲက ျပည္သူကုိအဖက္ဖက္မွ

အကာအကြယ္ေပးဖုိ ့ပါပဲ။ သည္လုိကာကြယ္ဖုိ ့အတြက္ လုိအပ္လွ်င္ခြန္အား

သုံးရမယ္လုိ ့လည္း အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ကပ္ေရာဂါၾကီးမ်ားက်ေရာက္

မူ၊ တဘက္ႏွင့္တဘက္အစုလုိက္အျပဳံလုိက္သတ္ျဖတ္မူ၊ သဘာ၀ေဘးရန္မ်ား

ကုိျကုိတင္ကာကြယ္တားဆီးမူ၊ မိမိတုိ ့ရဲ့ ဘုိးဘြားပုိင္ ယဥ္ေက်းမူအေမြအႏွစ္

မ်ားကုိထိမ္းသိမ္းမူ၊ ျပည္သူ ့ပစၥည္းဥစၥာကုိ ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ အသိ

ပညာရွင္အတတ္ပညာရွင္မ်ားကုိ တုိင္းျပည္ျပင္ပသုိ ယုိဖိတ္မူမရွိေစရန္

ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏ သယံဇာတမ်ားေလလြင့္ဆုံးရွဳံးမူမရွိ

ေစရန္ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ သဘာ၀၀န္းက်င္မပ်က္စီးေစရန္ ကာကြယ္

ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ တုိင္းတပါးရန္မွကာကြယ္မူ - အစရွိသည္တုိ ့ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။



လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေက်ာ္ကေန ကေန ့အထိ ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံး

ရရွိခဲ့တဲ့ အစုိရအဆက္ဆက္ဟာ အထက္ကအခ်က္ေတြနဲ ့ဖီလာဆန္ ့က်င္

ဘက္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ နုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ့ရန္သူအစုအေ၀း မ်ားသာျဖစ္ေနခဲ့ျပီး - နုိင္ငံေတာ္

ဆုိတာကုိခုတုံးလုပ္ျပီး နုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိဆန္က်င္ဖ်က္ဆီးေနတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသား

ေသစၥာေဖါက္ နုိင္ငံျခားလက္ေ၀ခံ (အ၀တ္အစားအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးေျပာင္း၀တ္ေနတဲ့)

ကုိယ္က်ဳိးရွာ အသံေကာင္းလႊင့္ ဖက္ခြက္စား ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြျဖစ္ေနတာ

ကုိသာေတြ ့ရမွာပါ။ သည္ေတာ့ ကေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္က အစုိးရဆုိတဲ့ 'စနစ္

တက်ဖြဲ ့စည္းထားေသာလူစုလူေ၀း' (Organized Mob) ဟာဘယ္လုိအတန္း

အစားမွာရွိသလဲဆုိတာ အပ်က္ျမင္ျဖင့္ ေျပာျခင္းမျဖစ္ရန္အတြက္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ

ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၂၄၀၀) ေက်ာ္က ဂရိအေတြးအေခၚပညာရွင္ အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္ရဲ့

ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ဖ်ာခဲ့မူ ့နဲ ့ ယွဥ္ထုိးၾကည့္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။







အစုိးရအမ်ဳိးအစားမ်ား



အရစၥတုိတယ္ရဲ့ အထက္ပါ စံနစ္ (၆) မ်ဳိးတြင္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဟာအမ်ားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေသာ

နည္းစံနစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း လူနည္းစုေကာင္းစားေရးလုိ ့ေဖၚျပထားတာကုိေတြ ့ရ

ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္၏ အေတြ ့အျကုံအယူအဆတြင္ လူထုအျကုိက္

ေသြးထုိးေျမွာက္ပင့္တတ္သူမ်ား (Demagouges) မွ ယင္းတုိ ့အား အမ်ားစုလၡံမူ

ရရွိေစရန္စြမ္းေဆာင္ကာ ျပည္သူအမ်ားစုကုိ ေသြးေဆာင္းဖ်ားေယာင္ျပီးေနာက္

အာဏာလက္၀ယ္ရရွိခ်ိန္တြင္ ယင္းတုိ ့.လူနည္းစု (အနည္းစု) ေကာင္းစားေရးကုိ

သာလုပ္ေလ့ရွိၾကတယ္လုိ ့ယူဆတဲ့အတြက္ အရစၥတုိတယ္က သူ ့ေခတ္က

ဒီမုိကေရစီစံနစ္ကုိ လူနည္းစုေကာင္းစားေရးစံနစ္လုိ ့ေဖၚျပခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

(သည္အေျခအေနဟာ ၂၁ ရာစုရဲ့ အတုအေယာင္ ေရႊရည္စိမ္ ဒီမုိကေရစီေတြ

အျဖစ္မ်က္၀ါးထင္ထင္ေတြ ့ႏုိင၈္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူကုိ မဲခုိးမဲလိမ္ျပီး အင္အား

သုံးျပီး အာဏာကုိအရယူခဲ့တဲ့ သန္းေရႊ ေမာင္ေအး သိန္းစိန္တုိ ့ရဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္က

အာဏာရွင္ေတြေျပာတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီဆုိတာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ ၂၄၀၀ က အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္

ရဲ့ စုိးရိမ္သုံးသပ္မူဟာ တကယ္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့တာပါပဲ)။



သည္လုိပဲ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၀) ရာစုအတြင္းက တရုတ္သမတ ခ်န္ေကရွိတ္နဲ ့ ဖိလစ္ပုိင္

သမတ ဖာဒီနန္မားကုိစ့္ တုိ ့ဟာ အမ်ားသေဘာက် ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းအရ

ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမွာက္ခဲံခဲ့ရတဲ့ သမတမ်ားျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကေပမဲ့ အာဏာရရွိျပီးေနာက္

မိမိေဆြမ်ဳိး မိမိႏွင့္သက္ဆုိင္ရာလူနည္းစု ေကာင္းစားေရးကုိသာလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကျပီးေနာက္

မိမိအ၀န္းအ၀ုိင္းရဲ့ အာဏာနဲ ့အက်ဳိးစီးပြါးကုိသာကာကြယ္ရင္း ရာဇာပလႅင္ေပၚက

ဆင္းမေပးေတာ့ပဲ တေသြးတသံတမိန္ ့နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြျဖစ္သြား

ခဲ့ၾကတာကုိေတြ ့ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။



ေခတ္သစ္ကမၻာၾကီးနဲ ့အစုိးရသုံးမ်ဳိး



ေခတ္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံပညာရွင္ေတြကေတာ့ ေခတ္ျပဳိင္ကမၻာၾကီးရဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္

အားလုံးမွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားအရ - အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့အစုိးရေတြကုိ အမ်ဳိးအစား

သုံးခုအတြင္းမွာပဲ ထည့္သြင္းႏွဳိင္းယွဥ္ထားတာကုိ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းေတြ ့ရွိရ

မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။







အထက္ပါအစုိးရသုံးမ်ဳိးစလုံးတြင္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည့္အစုိးရ

ႏွစ္မ်ဳိးျဖစ္ေသာ အာဏာရွင္အစုိးရ (Authoritarian Government ) ႏွင့္

တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္ျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေသာ (Totalitarian Government) စံနစ္

ႏွစ္မ်ဳိး ၏မတူျခားနားမူမွာ တပါတီဗဟုိ ဦးစီးစံနစ္၌ တိက်ေသာအယူ၀ါဒႏွင့္

လမ္းစဥ္ 'မူ' ကုိကုိင္စြဲျပီး၊ အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္မွာေတာ့ မည္သည့္မူ မွ်မရွိပဲ မူအစား

အေျခအျမစ္မခုိင္ေသာ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ စိတ္ထင္ရာကုိဥပေဒျပဳျပီး

တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ အမိန္ ့အာဏာ ေသနတ္တုိ ့ျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ျခင္းပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္မွာ တုိင္းျပည္စီးပြါးေရးကုိ စီမံကိန္းျဖင့္အေကာင္အထည္

ေဖၚေလ့ရွိျပီး အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္မွာေတာ့ စီးပြါးေရးလုပ္ငန္းဆုိင္ရာအားလုံးကုိ

အာဏာရ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုႏွင့္ သူတုိ ့ရဲ့သက္ဆုိင္ရာနီးစပ္ရာေတြကုိ အခြင့္

အေရးေပး လုပ္ကုိင္တဲ့ စီးပြါးေရးမ်ဳိးျဖစ္ပါတယ္ (ဥပမာ အာဏာရွင္တုိ ့၏

ျမန္မာ့ဦးပုိင္လိမိတက္၊ ႏွင့္ ဘိန္းဘုရင္ခြန္ဆာ၏သား စတီဗင္ေလာ၏ ေအးရွား

ေ၀ါဒ္။ သန္းေရႊ႔သားမက္ ေတဇ အစရွိသည္ျဖင့္)။



သုိ ့ေသာ္ တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္၌ စာရြက္ေပၚတြင္ေရးဆြဲထားေသာ စီမံကိန္း

မ်ား ကာလၾကာျမင့္စြာ ေအာင္ျမင္မူမရွိခဲ့လွ်င္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း တည္ဆဲ

ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး စီးပြါးေရးႏွင့္ မူလ ၀ါဒတုိ ့မကုိက္ညီေတာ့သည့္အခါတြင္၎

ျပည္တြင္းရွိျပည္သူမွ မခံမရပ္ႏုိင္ျဖစ္လာသည္အေျခအေနတုိ ့တြင္ေသာ္၎

တပါတီစံနစ္ဟာ ရုတ္တရက္ ျပဳိက်သြားတတ္တာကုိေတြ ့ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။

၁၉၈၈ မွာ မ.ဆ.လ တပါတီျပဳိကြဲသြားရျခင္းနဲ ့၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္လြန္ႏွစ္မ်ား

အတြင္းျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့တဲ့ အေရွ ့ဥေရာပႏုိင္ငံေတြရဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားကသက္ေသျပေန

ပါတယ္။



စစ္အာဏာရွင္သုိ ့မဟုတ္ အရပ္သားအာဏာရွင္တုိ ့ရဲ့ ထုးျခားတဲ့ ၀ိေသသ

လကၡဏာကေတာ့ အထက္ကတင္ျပခဲ့တဲ့ 'မူ' မရွိျခင္းပါပဲ။ သူတုိ ့ေခါင္းထဲမွာ

ေပၚလာတဲ့ သူ ့တုိ ့အတြက္ ေကာင္းမယ္ထင္တာ သူတုိ ့အတြက္အက်ဳိးရွိမယ္

ထင္တာအားလုံးကုိ ပရမ္းပတာနဲ ့အကြပ္အညွပ္မရွိ လုပ္ခ်င္တုိင္းလုပ္တဲ့ ၀ိေသသ

လကၡဏာပါပဲ။ ေနာက္ထပ္ ထူးျခားမူတခုကေတာ့ တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္မွာ

ေသနတ္ကုိစားပြဲေအာက္မွာ၀ွက္ထားျပီးေတာ့ ၀ါဒလမ္းစဥ္နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ုဳပ္ေပမဲ့

စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြကေတာ့ ေသနတ္ကုိ ခါးၾကားမွာေျဗာင္ထုိးျပီး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္

ေတာ့တာပါပဲ။ ငါေျပာသလုိမလုပ္ရင္ ငါ့ဘက္ကအဆင္သင့္ ငါကေတာ့ပစ္မွာပဲ

ဆုိတဲ့ ၀ိေသသလကၡဏာပါပဲ။ အကယ္၍သာ အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္မွာ 'မူ' ရွိတယ္

ဆုိလွ်င္လည္း အဲသည္မူဟာ 'ထင္ရာလုပ္မူ' သာျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အထက္က

ေဖၚျပခဲ့တဲ့ အစုိးရသုံးမ်ဳိး၏ ကြာျခားမူမ်ားကုိ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံပညာရွင္အခ်ဳိ ့က

ေအာက္ေဖၚျပပါအတုိင္း အေသးစိတ္ထပ္မံဖြင့္ဆုိထားၾကပါတယ္ -







အထက္ေဖၚျပပါဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္မ်ားအရ အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္သည္ တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီး

စံနစ္ထက္ အဆေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ပုိမုိဆုိးရြားေနတာကုိေတြ ့ျမင္ရမွာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္

မ.ဆ.လ တပါတီအာဏာရွင္စံနစ္က န.၀.တ န.အ.ဖ နာဂစ္အစုိးရ တုိ ့ထက္

စာလွ်င္ ပုိသက္သာဦးမလားလုိ ့ေတြးစရာျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ အမွန္ေတာ့ ေန၀င္းရဲ့

မ.ဆ.လ တပါတီ စံနစ္ဟာ အျခားဆုိရွယ္လစ္တုိင္းျပည္ေတြလုိ တိက်တဲ့ လမ္စဥ္

နဲ ့မူ၀ါဒမရွိခဲ့ပဲ (အမွန္ေတာ့) ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကစျပီး စစ္အာဏာရွင္

စံနစ္ေအာက္ကိုေရာက္ခဲ့တာ ကေန ့ဆုိလွ်င္ရာစုႏွစ္ထက္၀က္နီးပါးရွိခဲ့ျပီလုိ ့

အခုိင္အမာဆုိရမွာပါ၊



ႏုိင္ငံေရးေသြးခုံႏွဳန္းတုိင္းတာမူအရဆုိလွ်င္ မ.ဆ.လ အစုိးရဟာ တစတစက်ဳံလွီ

ျပီးေသဆုံးေစတဲ့ ခုခံက်ေရာဂါ 'ကမၻာနာ' (AIDS/HIV) နဲ ့အလားသ႑န္တူျပီး

န.၀.တ န.အ.ဖ နဲ ့သန္းေရႊ သိန္းစိန္တုိ ့ရဲ့ နာဂစ္အစုိးရေတြဟာ Leukemia

ေသြးကင္ဆာေရာဂါနဲ ့အလားသ႑န္တူပါတယ္။ ပုိျပီးေသခ်ာတဲ့အခ်က္ကေတာ့

ယေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ သည္ေရာဂါဆုိးႏွစ္ခုစလုံးကုိတျပဳိင္နက္ခံစားေနရတဲ့

လူမမာျဖစ္ေနျပီဆုိတာပါပဲ။ .......။



လွဳိင္ဘြား / ၈၈



Works Sited:

..............

Guy, J James., People, Politics and Government

Scarborough: Prentice Hall Canada Inc., 1995



Macridis, C. Roy., Contemporary Political Ideologies:

Movements and Regimes

Scott, Foresman & Company., 1989



Saunders, J. Trevor., Aristotle: The Politics

London: Clays Lt., 1992



Winter, R. Thomas., People and Politics

John Wiley and Sons Inc., 1981



Philip E. Tetlock: Counterfactual Thought Experiments in World Politics

Princeton University Press., 1996



Hedley Bull: The Anarchical Society - A Study of Order in World Politics (2nd edition)

Mac. Millan Press Ltc, London 1977

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
The U.N. Should Document Burma's Abuses
.
 
Today European foreign ministers are meeting in Brussels to discuss, among other issues, a resolution on Burma to be tabled at the United Nations General Assembly. Later this month, members of parliament from Southeast Asia will gather for the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Association meeting in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Both are opportunities to build momentum for a United Nations-led commission of inquiry into possible crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma.
 
To date, 16 countries, including the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia and the Czech Republic, have called for a commission. Yet Burma's Asean neighbors have remained silent. Perhaps some consider such a move gratuitous and meddlesome. But if Asean is to assert itself as a leading organization on the global stage, its members need to send a clear message that crimes against humanity affect the entire region and will not be tolerated.
 
An inquiry would not be a political tool for assigning criminal liability; rather, it would be a mechanism to document atrocities committed in Burma over the years and help prevent future atrocities by encouraging policy reforms in Burma's judicial system. It would also provide victims of Burma's protracted civil war an opportunity to seek justice for their grievances, and so contribute to building a lasting peace.
 
Human rights monitors have documented abuses in Burma for more than two decades, and the U.N. General Assembly has passed 20 resolutions describing possible crimes. In March 2010, Tomás Ojea Quintana, the U.N.'s Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, recommended establishing a commission of inquiry. Leaving Burma after a five-day mission last week, Mr. Quintana reiterated his position.
 
An international investigation is urgently needed because the Burmese government has failed to respond to appeals from its people. In 2007, deep-seated discontent spurred tens of thousands of Buddhist monks to take to the streets to demand change. Instead of engaging the monks in constructive discussions, the military junta opened fire on the religious leaders. Today more than 2,000 prisoners of conscience remain in prison.
 
The Burmese government is trying to head off pressure for a commission of inquiry by raising hopes it will now pursue reforms. In 2008 it held a referendum on a new constitution to restore civilian rule. However, this constitution is severely flawed, since it protects those who committed abuses in the past.
 
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has nevertheless hailed the new government as a step forward, calling on the European Union and the United States to lift sanctions. However, Asean states did not consider the ramifications the elections would have on Burma's armed conflict. In the aftermath of the elections a number of ceasefire agreements between the government and non-state armed groups broke down.
 
In June 2011 renewed hostilities between government forces and the Kachin Independence Army led to widespread abuses against civilians in Kachin State provoking over 20,000 people to flee their homes. Thousands of refugees spilled across the borders to Thailand and China. Asean was slow to respond and has yet to develop a mechanism to protect refugees and ensure civilians protection from human rights abuses.
 
In contested areas of Shan State, where government troops continue to battle ethnic Shan armed groups, there have been credible reports of systematic rape. In a statement released on July 22, Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the Indonesian Parliament and President of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus declared "We [AIPMC] call on the Myanmar Army to immediately end rights abuses, particularly the systematic use of rape as a weapon to suppress ethnic women and to urgently engage in peace talks with ethnic armed groups."
 
Burmese President Thein Sein recently made overtures to the political opposition, meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi and offering peace talks with some of the armed groups. Genuine multiparty dialogue is welcome, but progress toward political reconciliation is not a substitute for seeking truth and justice. An independent U.N.-led investigation that examines reports of human rights violations committed by both the government and non-state actors would complement talks.
 
President Thein Sein also recently announced that Burma is ready and committed to take a stronger leadership role in the region. On Aug. 21, he declared in Parliament that his government intends to assume the Asean chairmanship in 2014. The government should demonstrate its readiness to chair the regional body in action as well as words. Cooperating with a potential international investigation would be a step in the right direction.
 
All those who care about the rights and dignity of the citizens of Burma should support the call for a commission of inquiry. Without accountability, allegations of grave human rights violations will continue to poison the development of Burma and Asean.
 
Mr. Tanada is a member of the Philippines Congress and the vice president of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus. 

Maungdaw, Arakan State: Burma’s border security force (Nasaka) killed another Rohingya villager on August 24, over the allegation that he had involved in money exchange, said a close relative of the victim.

“The victim was identified as Mohamed Hussain (55), son of Kader Hussain, hailed from Shwe Zaar Village tract of Maungdaw Township.”

“Hussain was arrested by  officer of  Nasaka camp No. 14 under Shwe Zaar village Nasaka out-post, Nasaka Sector # 6 of Maungdaw Township on August 21, over the accusation that he had been involved in illegal money exchange.”

“Hussain was severely tortured by the Nasaka personnel to take confessional statement while he was detained in the Nasaka outpost camp.”

However, on August 24, at around 3:30 pm, he was handed over to his relatives while the victim was serious condition. Receiving the victim, the relatives immediately took the victim to the Maungdaw General hospital for medical treatment. But, he was dead at about 5:00 pm, while taking treatment at the hospital, said a friend of the victim on condition of anonymity.

“The authority handed over the dead body to his relatives without giving any information about post-mortem report of the Doctors.”

A local said that post-mortem showed that the victim had been tortured severely.

On August 25, the dead body was buried in his village’s local graveyard.

“There is no case filed against the Nasaka personnel as fear or reprisals of the Nasaka.” 

Similarly, on August 30, Nasaka had beaten brutally Abdul Matalof,60, an old men who severed as a sentry in Shweza, was dead September 1, morning at 10:00am, said a school teacher from Shweza village.

Rohingyas are killed as an animal in Arakan north by Nasaka without any judicial inquiry or proper query less giving importance than an ant, said a trader from locality.

Credit  : Kaladan Press


By BENJAMIN ZAWACKI >>>

It is time the EU work to establish a UN-led Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity and other crimes under international law in Burma.

Four years ago this month, the people of Burma rose up in what became known as the “Saffron Revolution,” named after the Buddhist monks who eventually led the demonstrations. While the world initially condemned the security forces’ violent crackdown that followed, several months later the Burmese authorities managed to deflect international criticism by announcing it would hold national elections and form a civilian government. 

The international community, including the European Union (EU), has been distracted ever since, despite an abundance of information that Burma’s government has continued to violate human rights on a massive scale. “Wait and see”—what the government will do before the elections, how the elections will be conducted, whether the new government will make any changes—has been the prevailing and irresponsible approach. 

Meanwhile, the human rights situation in Burma has gone from bad to worse, with no justice for the victims. By the time the election announcement was made, the number of political prisoners in Burma had nearly doubled from its pre-Saffron Revolution number to over 2,100—where it remains today. Several months afterwards, the government denied, obstructed and/or confiscated international aid in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, turning the humanitarian disaster into a human rights crisis. And a year later, authorities arrested, tried, and unlawfully extended the house arrest of opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Among the situations calling out loudest for justice and accountability is Burma’s ethnic minority regions. Ten months before the November 2010 elections, Amnesty International released a report on the repression of ethnic minority political activists in Burma, which showed that optimism in relation to the polls was being contradicted in the ethnic minority areas.

It followed a mid-2008 publication, Crimes against humanity in eastern Burma, whose relevance has only increased since then. The report focused on the Burmese army’s human rights violations against ethnic minority Karen civilians on a widespread and systematic basis, which amounted to crimes against humanity. Violations included extrajudicial executions, torture, arbitrary detention, forced labor, confiscation of land and food and forced displacement of the civilian population on a large scale, starting in late 2005.

While this was the first time Amnesty had characterized such violations as crimes against humanity, the report’s findings were consistent with our research on the country for two decades. The testimonies, collected in several countries since 1987, documented the very same crimes against civilians. They were told to us not only by the Karen, but by many other ethnic minorities as well, including the Rohingya, the Karenni, the Shan and the Mon.

Likewise, accounts since mid-2008, especially since the day of Burma’s national elections last November, when hostilities were accelerated or renewed between the Burmese army and armed groups fighting on behalf of several ethnic minorities, recall our report’s findings: serious human rights violations—some of which may amount to crimes against humanity and/or war crimes—against ethnic minority Karen, Kachin, and Shan civilians. 

These include recent accounts of the army using prison convicts as porters in the fighting in Kayin (Karen) State, forcing them to act as human shields and mine-sweepers and of rape and other sexual violence, primarily in Shan State. Reliable reports indicate that the number of displaced persons there has reached 30,000, while in or near Kachin State 20,000 internally displaced persons were reported at the end of July. 

We have waited for years, even decades, and seen quite enough: these violations call for accountability. However, Article 445 of Burma’s 2008 Constitution—which codifies immunity from prosecution for officials for past violations—indicates that without international action, this is most unlikely. 

In October 2011, the UN special rapporteur will be presenting a report to the UN General Assembly, which will likely adopt a resolution on Burma. The EU will again lead in the drafting of this resolution.





n each of his reports or statements to the UN Human Rights Council and the General Assembly, the special rapporteur has called for greater accountability for grave international crimes in Burma or expressly recommended that the UN establish a Commission of Inquiry into such crimes. 

While the question remains as to whether such a Commission would have access to Burma, a similar 1997 Commission by the International Labour Organization compensated for its denial of access partly through expert testimony, which Amnesty among others provided. Two years later, Burma passed a law prohibiting forced labor. Accountability must begin somewhere. 

Moreover, accountability need not exclude increased humanitarian assistance and efforts to engage the new government.

Amnesty International welcomes the fact that 12 of the 16 nations that have publicly stated their support for a Commission of Inquiry in Burma are EU members, but regrets that neither the EU as a bloc nor several of its influential members—including Germany, Italy, Spain and Sweden—have not done so. 

After more than three years of “wait and see,” it is time the EU and its member states translate their concern about Burma’s human rights situation into public support for the establishment of a UN-led Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity and other crimes under international law in Burma. 

Benjamin Zawacki is Amnesty International’s Burma researcher and a member of the US Council on Foreign Relations.




Credit : Irrawaddy News



တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕သမိုင္းအေမြအႏွစ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ကို ၿခံခတ္ၿပီး တရုတ္ကို လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားေရာင္းစားဖို႕ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္



(09-05-21) 

တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕သမိုင္းအေမြအႏွစ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ကို ၿခံခတ္ၿပီး တရုတ္ကို လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားေရာင္းစားဖို႕ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ (2010-12-18) 
Constructed by the China Resources Group, responsible for the construction of hydropower sixth inning Jesus Myanmar hydropower career, held on December 15 celebration of completion of the project power. Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein attended the ceremony and unveiled for the power station. 

Day, a tributary of the Irrawaddy River Mi Tange banners everywhere, flags flying, people of all nationalities dressed in their holiday in Myanmar, singing and dancing together for Myanmar's "Three Gorges Project" - yeah Ya celebrate the completion of hydropower. 

Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein attended the opening ceremony and delivered speeches. Mandalay military commander, a national power ministers, vice ministers and other senior government officials in Myanmar and China Resources Group Vice President, Sun floods and other Chinese officials attended the ceremony. 

Prime Minister Thein Sein said in his speech, yeah Ya station in Myanmar's largest hydropower station, construction units for many years through their joint efforts and hard struggle, successfully achieved a power plant, "year four vote," and the main works are completed in good results. Thank all parties participating in the construction of the development of Myanmar's electric power industry's contribution! 

Thein Sein, Deputy General Manager of the China Sun Group, the flood water fruit baskets as gifts to express gratitude to the China Resources Group. He then cut the ribbon for the power station, unveiled, and in accordance with Myanmar custom, Spillers St. perfume pray for the Lord bless ya station. 

Jesus career power plant construction funds to provide export credit from China, after four years of construction completion. November 13, yeah Ya hydroelectric turbine generator set of the last official and a net production. At this point, yeah Ya 4 hydropower capacity of 197,500 kilowatts single turbine generator set of all the installation is complete, the unit was officially launched commercial operations. The total installed capacity of power plant is 79 million kilowatts, is the largest installed capacity of power plant in Myanmar, China Resources Group also exports complete sets of the current capacity of the largest single unit in the project. 

Ye Ya annual generation capacity of power plant design 3.55 billion degrees, successful completion of the power station makes Myanmar the country's total installed capacity increased by nearly 50%, effectively improving the quality of Myanmar power grid, effectively easing the power shortage in Myanmar's Mandalay situation, the central region of Myanmar and the country's economic and social development plays an important role. 




KDNG 2 (vimeo)ျမန္မာစာတမ္းထိုး 
ေမလ၂၀၁၁ တြင္ အထက္ပါ ဗီဒီယိုကို တရုတ္ျပည္၏ အႀကီးဆံုးေသာ ေရကာတာေဆာက္လုပ္ သည့္ ဆိုင္ႏိုဟိုက္ဒရုိေကာ္ပိုေရးရွင္းကုမၸဏီ ဗဟိုသတင္းဌာနမွ ထုတ္လုပ္ျဖန္႔ခ်ီခဲ့သည္။ ေရကာတာစီမံကိန္းပိုင္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ-တရုတ္စြမ္းအင္အဖြဲ႔ (cpi)မွ ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး ပထမအဆင့္ကို ၿပီးစီးေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ဆိုင္ႏုိဟိုက္ဒရိုကို စာခ်ဳပ္ခ်ဳပ္ဆုိထားၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ 



Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein met with General Manager Zhai Ruoyu 

Credit:dawnmanhon
NAY PYI TAW, 1 Sept—The first Pyithu Hluttaw second regular session was held for the
ninth day at Pyithu Hluttaw Hall of Hluttaw Building in Nyi Pyi Taw.

discussion and two proposals were submitted. On 30 August, Pyithu Hluttaw received the workers’ organizations bill and the bill to amend Union Election Commission Law that have been submitted and approved by Amyotha Hluttaw.
The bills are due to be under discussion the following week, the Pyithu Hluttaw Bill Committee will scrutinize the bills, and submit them to the Hluttaw together with its report for talks.

Newspaper in English : click here
Newspaper in Burmese :click here




29newsk


308newsn


Maungdaw: A betel shopkeeper was illegally shot dead by a Nasaka man last night in Maungdaw, a western Burmese border town, said police. 

A police officer said that the incident took place in the Shwe Zar North quarter of Maungdaw at midnight last night but refused to give any further details on the incident. 

“ The incident actually occurred in this quarter but the case has not been filed in our police station. As it involves Nasaka personnel, the case will be filed with them at the Nasaka headquarters. Because of this, it is impossible to give you details,” the officer said. 

A family member said that Muhamad Narsat, son of Nurlarmi, was shot dead by a Nasaka man when the Naska man came to the shop to buy a quid of betel at midnight. 

"He was afraid of opening his shop when the Nasaka man arrived as it was midnight. However the Nasaka man forced him to open the shop so he could buy a quid of betel. When he opened the shop, the Nasaka man suddenly shot dead him with his gun,” a family member said. 

“ I heard he was late opening up the shop. This is the reason the Nasaka man killed him,” he added. 

According to local sources, many high authorities, including Colonel Aung Gyi, the commander in charge of the Nasaka force, came to the area to investigate the incident. 

The body of Muhamad Narsat was moved to hospital this morning for an autopsy. 


Credit :Narinjara
ေမာင္ေတာမွ ကြမ္းယာဆိုင္ ပိုင္ရွင္ တဦးကို နစက တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တစ္ဦးမွ ယမန္ေန႕ညဥ့္က အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ ပစ္သတ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သတင္း ရရွိသည္။

ေသဆံုးသြားသူမွာ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ ေရႊဇားေျမာက္ ရပ္ကြက္မွ မူဟာမတ္နာဆက္ (ဘ) ႏုရ္လာဗီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ျဖစ္ပ်က္ပံုႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး သူ၏ ေဆြမ်ိဳး တစ္ဦးက နိရဥၥရာကို ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။

" ညဥ့္ ၁၂ နာရီ အခ်ိန္မွာ နစက တပ္သားက လာျပီး ကြမ္းယာ၀ယ္တယ္။ ညဥ့္နက္ေနျပီဆိုေတာ့ သူက ေၾကာက္ျပီး မဖြင့္ရဲဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းေတာ့ ဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္ မူဟာမတ္နာဆက္က ဖြင့္ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ဖြင့္ေပးတာ ၾကာတယ္ဆိုျပီး သူကိုင္လာတဲ့ ေသနတ္နဲ႕ ပစ္သတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။"

အဆိုပါ ကြမ္းယာဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္အား သတ္ျဖတ္သူ နစက တပ္သားမွာ ေရႊဇား နစက စခန္းမွ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

အဆိုပါ လူသတ္မူႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕မ ရဲစခန္းအား ေမးၾကည့္ရာ တာ၀န္က် ရဲအရာရွိက ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။

" ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ စခန္းက နယ္ထိန္းေတြ သြားေရာက္ စစ္ေဆးေနပါတယ္။ ဒီအမူက နစကနဲ႕ သက္ဆိုင္တဲ့ အတြက္ နစက ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွာဘဲ အမူဖြင့္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အမူအေၾကာင္းကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ မေျပာႏိုင္ပါ" ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ယခုအခါ အေလာင္းအား ေမာင္ေတာေဆးရံုသို႕ ပို႕လိုက္ျပီး သတ္ျဖတ္သူ နစက တပ္သားကို ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ 

Credit : နိရဥၥရာ


ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ သံတြဲျမိဳ႕နယ္ ေက်းရြာ တစ္ခ်ိဳ႕မွ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား၏ ယခင္ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမ်ားကို သိမ္းယူျပီး ယခုုအခါ “ E ” တံဆိပ္ပါ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေပးေနေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံ မြတ္ဆလင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။ 

” E ” တံဆိပ္ပါ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမွာ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားေသာ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သူက ေျပာဆိုသည္။ 


Muslim-in--Burma   
ရခို္င္ျပည္နယ္မွ မြတ္္ဆလင္မ်ားမွာ ဘာသာေရး ကြဲျပားမူေၾကာင့္ ခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံခံေနၾကရသည္။
“ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္က ထုတ္ေပးထားတဲ့ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းေတြကို သိမ္းယူသြားျပီး ခုထုတ္ေပးေနတာက “ E ” တံဆိပ္ပါ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သံတြဲ ျမိဳ႕နယ္ လင္းသီေက်းရြာက အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြကို ဒီကဒ္ေတြကိုု ထုတ္ေပးေနပါတယ္။ “ E ” သေကၤတက ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား ေပါ့ဗ်ာ” ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။ 

လင္းသီ ေက်းရြာမွ သံတြဲျမိဳ႕မွ ၁၇ မိုင္ အကြာတြင္ တည္ရွိျပီး အမ်ားစု အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားမွာ စာမတတ္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကေသာေၾကာင့့္ မည္သုိ႕မွ ေစာဒက မတက္ဘဲ အစိုးရမွ အသစ္ ထုတ္ေပးထားေသာ “ E ” အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမ်ားကို ယခင္က ထုတ္ေပးထားေသာ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္း အစစ္မ်ား ကုိယ္စား အသံုးျပဳ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ ေနၾကသည္ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။

၎အျပင္ သံတြဲျမိဳနယ္တြင္ ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္က ထုတ္ေပးထားေသာ ရခိုင္- အစၥလာမ္ဟု ေရးသား ထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံသားကဒ္မ်ားကိုလည္း အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားလက္မွ သိမ္းယူသြားျပီး ယခု အခ်ိန္ထိ ကဒ္သစ္မ်ား ထုတ္ေပးျခင္း မရွိေသးေၾကာင္း သူက ေျပာသည္။

“ ရခိုင္အစၥလာမ္ ဆိုတာ မရွိဘူးဆိုျပီး ႏိုင္ငံသား ကဒ္ေတြကို သိမ္းယူသြားခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲသလို သိမ္းျပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ရခိုင္ အစၥလာမ္ဆိုတာ မရွိတဲ့ အတြက္ ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္ လုပ္ရင္ လုပ္၊ မလုပ္ရင္ ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္ထဲ ထည့္ပစ္မယ္ဆိုျပီး ေျပာပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕က ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္ လည္း မဟုတ္သလို ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္လည္း မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘိုးစဥ္ ေဘာင္ဆက္ ရခိုင္မွာေနတဲ့ အစၥလာမ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုလို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ကို အစၥလာမ္ေတြ ျဖစ္တဲ့ အတြက္ အတင္း တျခား လူမ်ိဳးေတြထဲ ထည့္ပစ္ဖို႕ လုပ္တာကေတာ့ အၾကီးအက်ယ္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မူ ျဖစ္္ပါတယ္” ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။ 

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား တိုင္းရင္းသား အျဖစ္ လက္ခံထားသျဖင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားမွတ္ပံုတင္ အစစ္မ်ားကို ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ ရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ျပီး ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္မွာ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားသျဖင့္ အျဖဴေရာင္ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား ကဒ္ျပားမ်ားကို ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ ရၾကသည္။

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား၏ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ကို ဗဟုိ အစိုးရမွ တင္းတင္းက်ပ္က်ပ္ ပိတ္ပင္ထားခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခါ အျဖဴေရာင္ ကဒ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားသူ ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္မ်ားမွ အပ က်န္ အစၥလာမ္မ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။ 

“ အခု ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္၊ ရခိုင္ အစၥလာမ္ ႏိုင္ငံသားကဒ္ေတြ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားတဲဲ့ သူေတြကို ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႕က စျပီး ပံုစံ ၄ လုပ္စရာ မလိုဘဲ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ျပဳတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္ အျဖဴေရာင္ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသားကဒ္ေတြ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားတဲ့ သူေတြကိုေတာ့ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ မျပဳဘူး။ က်န္းမာေရး၊ ပညာေရး အရ သြားမယ္ ဆိုရင္ ပံုစံ ၄ လုပ္ပီး လ၀က ဌာနရဲ႕ ေထာက္ခံခ်က္နဲ႕သာ သြားလာလို႕ ရပါတယ္” ဟု ဆက္ေျပာသည္။ 

ျမန္မာ အစိုးရသည္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ စစ္ေတြ၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ႏွင့္ ေမာင္းေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ားတြင္ ေနထိုင္ေသာ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားအား ဘဂၤလီ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ား အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားျပီး ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ကို တင္းတင္း က်ပ္က်ပ္ ပိတ္ပင္ထားသည္။ ထိုသို႕ ပိတ္ပင္ထားရျခင္းမွာ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့့္ ရပါက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို စြန္႕ခြာျပီး ဗမာျပည္သို႕ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ အေျခခ် ေနထိုင္သြားမည္ကို စိုးရိမ္၍ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း စံုစမ္း သိရွိရသည္။ 


Credit : နိရဥၥရာ

Author:   


Govt reaffirms policy of racial profiling thumbnail
The Immigration Minister was chosen to answer a question in parliament brought by U Zarad Rawmam aka U Htay Win of Arakan constituency seven, in which he enquired about why “indigenous Rakhine Muslims” still had their freedom of movement curtailed by having to apply to the military’s border force, Nasaka, to move between towns. Failing to do so can result in jail time as a Muslim National League for Democracy (NLD) member found out near Mandalay.


Htay Win was quoted by the New Light of Myanmar saying that; “indigenous Myanmar Muslim voters in Maungtaw District of Rakhine State cannot travel freely; to travel other Regions or States for economic, education, health and social reasons, they have to take out Application Form (4) of Immigration Department under the directive of Na-Sa-Ka, forcing them to face many difficulties in socio-economic life; and how the state will help address this issue.”

The response came from the immigration minister, U Khin Yi, a former police chief. The key part of his response reaffirmed the government’s commitment to racial profiling, stating that;
“Those who are labeled “Myanmar Muslims” were assumed to be Bengalis in Maungtaw of Rakhine [Arakan] State;” and; “Bengalis in Maungtaw have shared common religion, culture, appearance and language with their counterparts [in Bangladesh].”

Incidentally other ethnic groups in Burma share “appearance” and cultural traits with those over international boundaries in nations such as Thailand or China.

David Matheison, senior Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch (HRW) responded that it was symptomatic of “systemic racism” on the part of the Burmese government.
Khin Yi meanwhile claimed in parliament that migrants from Bangladesh were “penetrating deep into the country,” international NGOs and the UNHCR have confirmed that there is a “protracted emergency” in Bangladesh as a result of refugees from Burma’s northern Arakan state where Maungdaw or Maungtaw is located.

Matheison confirmed that claims of Bangladeshi migration to Burma were a “massive mistruth,” adding that; “its going the other way.”

Khin Yi however stated that; “As there was mass migration 180,000 were given refuge after being scrutinised by Nagarmin Operation and Hintha Plan in 1978.”

Nagarmin, translates as dragon, and was by most accounts an appropriate description for it was in all intents and purposes a racial purge, where by some 200,000 Burmese Muslims or Rohingya were sent fleeing into neighbouring Bangladesh by heavily armed members of the Burmese military.
Khin Yi none the less stated that; “the Application Form (4) is used in need of State’s security and nationalism as the foreign Bengalis illegally migrated into Maungtaw of Rakhine State.”
Muslims have lived in the Arakan region since at least the 9th century BCE whilst today Cox’s Bazar, in Bangladesh is home to some 200,000 Burmese Muslim refugees as well as significant numbers of Arakanese Buddhist refugees.

However systemic persecution on the basis of race has been experienced not just in border areas. Such laws or policies are regularly used against Muslim Burmese.

A Muslim member of National League for Democracy (NLD) in Mandalay’s Tatkon township was recently sentenced to one and half years in prison for trying to travel to a nearby town to celebrate Martyr’s Day.
Pho Htaung (also known as) Hla Myint was sentenced under the immigration act last Friday, said Meikhtila township NLD member Myint Myint Aye.
“He was prosecuted by Tatkon township’s Immigration Chief U Nyi Nyi for failing to inform the Immigration Office when he travelled outside of his town, a regulation for those who carry non-citizen ID cards. Now he has been sentenced to a year and half in prison,” said Myint Myint Aye.

Pho Htaung was previously arrested in March 2010 for travelling to Mandalay [town] to attend an NLD meeting there and sentenced to a year and half prison term. He was released from Sagaing Division’s Katha Prison after serving 13 months. His recent arrest comes just three months after he was released from his previous sentence.

The Muslim population of Northern Arakan state are known as Rohingya people. They were specifically targeted by the military party, the Union Solidarity Party (USDP) in last year’s controversial elections, to garner votes. Matheison states that they were given temporary ID cards to allow them to vote.
Despite being able to vote for the USDP they are now denied what Matheison describes as a “basic human freedom”, the freedom of movement.
As a result groups such as Refugees International describe the ethnic group as; “one of the most persecuted in the world”.

This discrimination was characterised by the Burmese consul general to Hong Kong, Ye Myint Aung who in 2009 described the ethnic group as “ugly as ogres” in the press.
Burma is not signatory to the UN’s convention on elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, unlike all of its neighbours.

Credit : DVB News


WASHINGTON — IMF economists will visit Myanmar to help modernize its complicated exchange rate system, an official said Wednesday, in a sign that the country's new government is seeking economic reforms.

A technical team from the International Monetary Fund will visit the country also known as Burma in the second half of October, said Gita Bhatt, a spokeswoman for the Washington-based financial institution.

"We have received a request from the authorities in Myanmar to help them prepare to modernize their exchange rate system and lift restrictions on the making of payments and transfers for current international transactions," she said.

She declined further details on the trip. But the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper said that authorities had reached out to the IMF and sent trainees overseas to reform the exchange rate, calling it a top priority.

The "problem of exchange rate gap, main barrier to international trade, will be solved along with the proper evolution of market economy," the newspaper quoted Finance Minister Hla Tun as saying.
Myanmar maintains multiple exchange rates, with the kyat currency's official value -- which the public sector is required to use -- set far above the market level. Myanmar restricts its nationals from obtaining foreign currency.

A 2008 working paper by two IMF economists, which does not necessarily represent the views of the fund, found that Myanmar's losses in efficiency due to the exchange rate system were equivalent to 14 to 17 percent of its economy in 2006-2007.
Myanmar is a member of the IMF and economists from the fund generally visit once a year, Bhatt said. The last formal consultation was in February 2010.

The military has ruled Myanmar since 1962, but the country nominally switched to civilian leadership earlier this year after November elections chose a new national assembly.
The opposition, led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and the United States have voiced disappointment with the pace of reforms and believe the changes are primarily cosmetic, with the military still in charge.

The United States maintains economic sanctions against Myanmar, including its key gem industry, due to human rights concerns including the army's alleged use of forced labor and rape in its campaigns against ethnic minority fighters.

Credit :AFP

By Andrew Marshall>>>



Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi makes an appearance at Burma's administrative capital, Naypyidaw, for a meeting with President Thein Sein on

The Slow Thaw of Burma's Notorious Military Junta
A cabal of military men has ruled Burma for nearly half a century, often with unfathomable cruelty. But recent events have made Burma watchers wonder if change is coming. Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest last year, made her first trip outside Rangoon in August. She was greeted by enthusiastic crowds and not, as she was in 2003, by the junta's thugs. When she left Rangoon again, this time for a one-hour talk with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw that left her feeling "happy and satisfied."

Is one of the world's oldest military regimes finally taking baby steps toward reform? Even the experts seem split. "There is still no evidence of a wish to embrace real democracy," says Andrew Selth, a research fellow at Australia's Griffith University. "But it has to be admitted that Burma's new government is demonstrating a degree of flexibility many commentators did not expect." Here are five signs that the junta is reforming — and five reasons for caution. (See photos of Aung San Suu Kyi's release from house arrest.)

THE GOOD NEWS:

1. The New President
Thein Sein was handpicked by retired general Than Shwe but is no tyrant himself. He is "committed, not driven by personal interest, as well as modest and approachable," says analyst Richard Horsey, a former U.N. official in Burma. "[He is] proactively seeking inputs and signaling that there are no taboos in discussions with him." Thein Sein has been wishfully compared to South Africa's apartheid-era President F.W. de Klerk, with Suu Kyi his Nelson Mandela.

2. Aung San's Reappearance
Burma's independence hero is also Suu Kyi's late father, which is why the regime removed his face from bank notes and public places. But Aung San's youthful portrait dominated the room in which his daughter was greeted by Thein Sein — another sign the President is "his own man," says Horsey.

3. An Insein Prison Visit
U.N. human-rights investigator Tomás Ojea Quintana was allowed into Rangoon's most notorious jail to talk with political prisoners. He also met Suu Kyi and government officials.

4. A Slightly Freer Media
Government censors are usually unforgiving. But when True News Journal mistakenly referred to Suu Kyi as "President" in a recent cover story, it got off with just a warning. Newspapers are free to run photos of the Nobel laureate, although she can't be shown giving speeches. (Read "Aung San Suu Kyi: Burma's First Lady of Freedom.")

5. Thein Sein's Choice of Chief Economic Advisor
Among the technocrats on the President's advisory board is U Myint, a respected economist and a friend of Suu Kyi.

THE BAD NEWS:

1. The New President
President Thein Sein is a puppet of Than Shwe, say some critics, and is cynically co-opting Suu Kyi to take pressure off the military and prolong its pre-eminence. "Finding an F.W. de Klerk–like figure among Burma's military rulers is like searching for a needle in a haystack during a power outage on a pitch black night," wrote Maung Zarni, a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics and Political Science, on the Democratic Voice of Burma website. (Read about whether Burma's strongman Than Shwe is really retired.)

2. Insein Jail
Conditions inside Insein jail remain horrific. Interrogators extract confessions with sleep and food deprivation, beatings and "the burning of bodily parts, including genital organs," reported U.N. envoy Quintana. And activists claim the regime still holds nearly 2,000 political prisoners, including 225 monks.

3. The Continued Persecution of the National League for Democracy
One member of Suu Kyi's party, Aung Hla Myint, was recently sentenced to 16 months in prison for traveling outside his hometown in central Burma.

4. Raging Civil Wars
Ongoing counterinsurgency operations by the Burmese military have displaced 50,000 people in Karen, Shan and Kachin states this year, claims Human Rights Watch. The New York City–based group believes the military's torture of convict porters, who are sometimes forced to trip landmines, constitutes a war crime.

5. The Runaway Kyat
Burma's currency is rapidly appreciating against the dollar, which punishes exporters and farmers. Poor economic conditions sparked popular uprisings in 1988 and 2007, and could do so again. This, say critics, is what really drives Burma's generals: fear of unrest, not desire for reform.


Read about Senator John McCain's visit to meet Aung San Suu Kyi.
Read about Obama's meeting with Thein Sein.

Credit : Time
The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma says there is a contradiction between the promises of reform being made by the government and the reality of the situation.

Tomas Ojea Quintana spent five days in Burma, the first time he's been given a visa since February last year. 

He says there is currently a window of opportunity for change, but thinks there have been few concrete signs of meaningful reform. 

Mr Quintana once again called for political prisoners to be released and warned any exiles who take up the invitation of the President's invitation to return to the country may face the risk of arbitrary arrest.

Presenter: Liam CochraneSpeaker: Tomas Ojea Quintana, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma

QUINTANA: The government has taken a number of steps that has in my opinion the potential for the improvement of human rights. The problem is that we need to see concrete actions from the government so that those steps are translated into reality.

COCHRANE: And one of the big outstanding issues is political prisoners. Do you believe that we're seeing constructive moves to free political prisoners?

QUINTANA: During my five day mission to the country I had several meetings with all authorities concerned; Home Minister first, Minister of Defence, Foreign Minister, even the presidential advisory board. With all of them I called for the release of prisoners trying to make them understand that the whole international community, including the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr Ban Ki Moon, but also the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and even ASEAN members, neighbouring countries from Myanmar have been calling for the release. Now I do not have at the moment any concrete information or sign that the government is willing at this moment to proceed with this international obligation.

COCHRANE: You also visited the notorious Insein Prison where many of the political prisoners are held. What were your impressions there?

QUINTANA: Yes I met seven prisoners of conscience, all of them according to my opinion. persecuted for just expressing their own ideas. There is one for example who was just incarcerated because they sent a letter to the Secretary General of the United Nations, only for that reason he was put in prison. Let me also tell you about a girl who was also incarcerated just because of the political activities of her father. Her father was also in jail, her brother was also in jail and she was also in jail. These people deserved to be released according to their own human rights and the situation. There are many, many prisoners in Myanmar who deserve at this moment to be released, so this process towards democracy that the government is claiming they are facing, has (to be) real meaningful.

COCHRANE: It's been reported that some of the prisoners are used for forced labour for the military, mostly as porters. Was this something that you raised with government officials?


QUINTANA: I specifically raised the issue with the Minister of Defence. The government, and in this case the Minister of Defence categorically denied that the military used prisoners and even villagers as porters, and here there is a serious contradiction because my assessment according to information that I have been receiving, is that the government is still using widespread porters across the country.

COCHRANE: The Burmese government recently invited exiles to return home, those who had been advocating for democracy outside of the country. Do you believe that they would be at risk of being arrested if they did return?

QUINTANA: The situation is that those who at this moment may decide to express their opinions against authorities may face the risk to be arrested arbitrarily.

COCHRANE: You were also able to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi this time around. Was she broadly optimistic about the changes that are occurring in the country?

QUINTANA: I won't speak on her behalf. My impression is that there is a window of opportunity in the country. The challenge is if this window of opportunity brings real change in the near future, there is not enough time while people are suffering human rights abuses. So this opportunity has to be translated immediately into action.

Listen the interview :click here

Desperate for international legitimacy, Burma’s new president has been keen to give the impression of change in the country. ASEAN shouldn’t be fooled.


In May, I wrote in The Diplomat how Burma’s new dictator had experienced a tough start to his presidency. Rigged elections held last November, and then the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, were part of a plan by the dictatorship to gain acceptance by the international community. When Burma’s new parliament opened and Thein Sein made a grand speech promising change, he was undoubtedly hoping that his government would finally gain the legitimacy it craves. 

But things didn’t go according to planned. First, the United States, the European Union, and Canada refused to relax economic sanctions. Then came the blow that must have hurt most of all: the Association for Southeast Asian Nations delayed a decision on whether Burma could assume chairmanship of the organisation when its turn comes in 2014.
Now Thein Sein is back with Plan B, a new charm offensive designed to create the impression of change, while so far not making any actual changes at all. A flurry of new initiatives took place over the summer. Talks were held with Aung San Suu Kyi, first with Aung Kyi, a specially assigned liaison minister, and then with President Thein Sein himself. Slogans attacking exiled media organisations were dropped from state-owned newspapers, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed to travel outside Rangoon, political exiles were told they could return home, and there was an offer of a ceasefire to armed ethnic political groups.
Then, last week, the UN Special Rapporteur was allowed back into Burma, after effectively being banned after calling for the United Nations to establish a commission of inquiry into possible war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma. In a masterstroke, he was taken to the new parliament, a move seen by many as conferring legitimacy on that powerless rubber stamp affront to democracy.

These series of initiatives have generated great excitement in diplomatic circles and in the media. But if one goes through them one by one, two extraordinary things stand out. First, not one of these initiatives is substantive, and, second, not one of them is even new.
Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s democracy movement have identified three top priorities for change: the release of political prisoners, a nationwide ceasefire and genuine dialogue. Despite all the recent initiatives, and all the positive attention they’ve received, not one political prisoner has been released, and indeed two more were sentenced last week. Thein Sein’s government has been breaking ceasefire agreements, not making new ones, and there have been talks but still no dialogue process.

For those of us who have followed Burma for many years, there’s also an eerie sense of déjà vu. Thein Sein hasn’t taken any steps that his predecessors Than Shwe or Ne Win hadn’t already taken. They didn’t lead to change then, and they should be treated with scepticism now. The only thing that is new is that these initiatives have come so close together.
This haste could be explained by Thein Sein’s desperate desire to win the ASEAN chairmanship. Plan B appears to be presenting the impression of change, without doing anything at all different.

In May, I argued that ASEAN could use the chairmanship as an opportunity to force Thein Sein to make small steps toward real reform. That opportunity is still there today. ASEAN didn’t accept the elections and release of Aung San Suu Kyi as substantive change and it shouldn’t accept this charm offensive as substantive change either.

ASEAN must hold its ground and force Thein Sein to resort to Plan C, namely actual substantive steps, such as the release of political prisoners. ASEAN can offer Thein Sein what he wants, and that’s far too much leverage to be given away cheaply.

Baroness Glenys Kinnock is Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Democracy in Burma, in the British Parliament. She is a former minister in the British Foreign Office and a former MEP.

Credit : The Dilpomat
ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ အစိုးရက သူႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း ေရာက္ရွိေနေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားကို လက္ခံ ယူရန္ ျမန္မာ အစိုးရႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ ျမန္မာဘက္က အျပဳသေဘာ တုန္႕ျပန္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ေက်ညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ္လည္း အဆိုပါကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အစိုးရပိုင္ ျမန္မာ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ တလံုး တပါဒမွ် ေဖၚျပထားျခင္း မရွိေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ 




ႏွစ္ဘက္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ေနျပည္ေတာ္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ၾကီးဌာနတြင္ ေဆြးေႏြး ေနစဥ္။ၾသဂတ္စ္လ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႕ထုတ္ ျမန္မာ အစိုးရပိုင္ သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ၏ တျခား အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားကို ေဖၚျပေသာ္လည္း ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕တြင္ ေရာက္ရွိေနေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ား ျပန္လက္ခံေရးကိစၥကို တစံုတရာ ေဖၚျပထားျခင္း မရွိေခ်။ 

ျမန္မာ သတင္းစာမ်ားက " ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ၌ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားသည္ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ဆက္ဆံေရးႏွင့္ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံအၾကား ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး၊ လယ္ယာစိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရး၊ စြမ္းအင္၊ ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္စီမံကိန္း၊ သယ္ယူပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး၊ ဆက္သြယ္ေရး၊ သတင္းႏွင့္နည္းပညာ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈႏွင့္ ခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္းစသည့္ နယ္ပယ္က႑မ်ားတြင္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ တိုးျမႇင့္ေရး၊ ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ အျပည္ျပည္ ဆိုင္ရာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား နယ္ပယ္တြင္ ပိုမိုပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားကို ရင္းႏွီးပြင့္လင္းစြာ အျမင္ခ်င္းဖလွယ္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကသည္" ဟု ေဖၚျပသည္။ 

ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္တြင္ ၾသဂတ္စ္လ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႕က ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာဘက္မွ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ဒု၀န္ၾကီး ဦးေမာင္ျမင့္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ အဖြဲ႕က တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ျပီး ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ဘက္မွ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး အတြင္းဝန္ မစၥတာမိုဟာမက္ မီဂ်ာရူးခါးရားစ္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ အဖြဲ႕ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။

ယခု ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမွာ ပဥၥမအၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ျမန္မာ-ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ခ်္ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ဝန္ၾကီးဌာနမ်ား အၾကား ဒုတိယဝန္ၾကီး၊ အတြင္းဝန္ အဆင့္ ညိႈႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးပဲြ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ အစိုးရမွ သူႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ၀န္ထုတ္ ၀န္ပိုး ျဖစ္ေနေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားကို ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံသို႕ ျပန္ပို႕ေရးကို ျမန္မာႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတိုင္းတြင္ တင္ျပ ေျပာဆိုေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာဘက္က လက္ခံလိုေၾကာင္း သံတမန္နည္းအရ ေျပာဆိုရံုမွ အပ လက္ေတြ႕တြင္ တစံုတရာ အေကာင္ အထည္ေဖၚ ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္း မရွိေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ မြတ္ဆလင္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို လက္ခံထားရာ ေကာ့ေတာ ပေလာင္ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းမွ ဒုကၡသည္ တစ္ဦးအား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အစိုးရမွ အခုအခါ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို ျပန္လည္ လက္ခံရန္ ေျပာဆိုေနျပီ ျဖစ္သျဖင့္ ျပန္လိုပါသလားဟု ေမးျမန္းရာ သူက ယခုလိုေျပာသည္။ 

" ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ကို ျမန္မာအစိုးရက ျပန္ လက္ခံမယ္ဆိုတာကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ မယံုဘူး။ အကယ္၍ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ျပန္ပို႕မယ္ဆိုရင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ကို ႏိုင္ငံသား အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳရမယ္။ ဟိုေရာက္ရင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ လယ္ေျမေတြကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ကို ျပန္ေပးရမယ္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ ျပဳရမယ္။ ဒီလို အခ်က္ေတြရမွ ျပန္မယ္။ မဟုတ္ရင္ မျပန္ႏိုင္ပါဘူး" ဟု ေျပာသည္။ 

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ ေရာက္ရွိေနေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ အစိုးရက သူ႕ႏိုင္ငံ အတြင္း မထားလိုေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာ အစိုးရမွ လက္ခံယူရန္ စိတ္ဆႏၵ မရွိျခင္းႏွင့္ ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ကို ေရာက္ရွိေနသာ မြတ္ဆလင္ ဒုကၡသည္ အမ်ားစုကလည္း ျပန္လို စိတ္ မရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အဆိုပါ ဒုကၡသည္ ျပန္ပို႕ေရ ျပႆနာမွာ ေျဖရွင္း၍ မရဘဲ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ႏွင့္ ခ်ီျပီး လိပ္ခဲတည္းလည္း ျဖစ္ေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ 


Credit:နိရဥၹရာသတင္း
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Insein Jail, Rangoon (Google earth)
 
A proposal submitted to the People’s Parliament by Thingangyun township MP, Thein Nyunt, to reform the Prison’s act, has been rejected by the speaker of the house because the speaker said the Home Ministry was already drafting a revised Prisons Act.
While no discussion of an amnesty has taken place, despite reports to the contrary in the state mouth piece the New Light of Myanmar.
The Prisons Act proposal by Thein Nyunt intended; “to provide necessary arrangements for drafting a bill of the Prisons Act, which is agreeable to the 21st century and guarantee human dignity and to introduce the bill to the third regular session of the first Pyithu Hluttaw”.
Pe Than, People’s Parliament representative of Arakan State’s Myebon township told DVB that;
“There were six non-USDP representatives who discussed in favour of [Thein Nyunt’s proposal] and three USDP representatives argued against it. The Home Affairs minister said his ministry was already preparing to submit the bill in the parliament and the [parliament] speaker decided to only keep a record of U Thein Nyunt’s proposal without giving him a chance to argue back,” said Pe Than.
Whilst on Home Affairs Minister, Lieutenant General Ko Ko’s discussion on the bill, Pe Than added that;
“It is not yet revealed which sections [of the prisons act] will be changed – he just spoke generally and said that there have been preparations to change some, if not all, sections in the law regarding the worst situations such as issues with food, accommodation, solitary confinement, transferring of inmates to remote prisons, inmates not being allowed to get medical assistance or to read books and newspapers, non-judicial punishment by prison officials.”
There will be concern that the Prisons Act revision by the Home Ministry will therefore not carry the necessary legislation that prevents torture and inhuman treatment of prisoners as critics and former inmates allege is routine in Burma’s prison system.
Thein Nyunt said: “We have to shine a spotlight and ensure, when the parliament discusses this new prisons act, that it is in accordance with the article 44 of the constitution, that; No penalty shall be prescribed that violates human dignity and also the United Nations’ Declaration of Human Rights, that states that; No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”
A question regarding prison laws was also raised in the National Parliament yesterday where regional judges are to continue to submit prison reports to the Union Supreme Court as provided in the 1962 Prisons Act.
Upholding any law, debated in parliament or not, will continue to be problematic with the rule of law seemingly ignored as trials take place behind closed doors and with judges like the vast majority of MPs are appointees of the military, and seriously lacking in autonomy.
Link:   :http://www.dvb.no/news/17351/17351
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT

A proposal in the People’s Parliament made by Thingangyun township’s representative Thein Nyunt to revoke the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act has been rejected by a vote in parliament yesterday.
Independent MP Thein Nyint submitted a proposal to the People’s Parliament to abolish the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, that was adopted under the pretext of an on-going civil war at the time, along with criminal laws relating to it.
His proposal was discussed by four Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) representatives and the parliament voted on whether to accept it or not – the results showed there were 336 votes against, 8 in favour and 41 abstaining votes, said representative Pe Than of Myebon township in Arakan State.
“All parliament representatives who discussed about the proposal spoke out against it and the Union Minister Ko Ko insisted that it should be rejected,” said Pe Than.
When the parliament’s speaker asked for U Thein Nyunt’s opinion, he called to parliament to go for a vote ‘democratically’ so the parliament conducting a voting by headcount.
“All 336 representatives from the military and the USDP stood against the proposal,” said Pe Than.
Thein Nyunt said he; “happily accepted the loss.”
He said he understood the rejection of his proposal showed that the situation with the civil war back in 1950 is still continuing, citing discussions by two USDP representatives from Karen State’s Myawaddy and Kachin State.
“According to their discussion, the country is not yet at peace – there are still external and internal destructive elements – so it is necessary to have the [emergency act] under security concerns,” said Thein Nyunt.
The parliament is overwhelmingly dominated by the military either serving or retired, with 25% of seats reserved automatically for the military and alleged widespread vote rigging in favour of the military proxy party the USDP.
The 1950 Emergency Provisions Act and relating criminal laws were passed by a parliament while the country was wracked by civil war as communists and Karen secessionists fought with the Burmese state. Critics allege that it is widely used by the Burmese government to persecute political activists and journalists.
Article 5 of the law makes it illegal to; “spread false news” or to “to rally people” or “to make the public lose trust in the State’s economy.”
Link:   :http://www.dvb.no/news/parliament-rejects-reform-of-emergency-act/17366



In the 1911 census, the Rohingyas were included with the Indian population as an ethnic group Indian origin. The reason given was that they looked more like Indians than like Burmese. On the other, the census of 1921 mentions the Rohingyas as really Arakanese. But so close to Indians that "the phenomenon is as much an annexation of India.... 44However, these census anomaly of counting the Rohingyas as Indians no doubt contributed to the present controversy over the Rohingyas origin in Burma. But the Rohingyas claim that in terms of their culture they are neither Indian nor Burmese. A British army officer, who served in the Arakan front during the Second World War remarked about the ethnic character of the Arakan Muslims as follows:

How the shameless Immigration Minister of Thien Sein's Govt. U Khin Ye answered the question of USDP MP Zahid Rhaman Tay Win, A Rohingya elected from Constituency 7 Arakan. Read as below newspapers.

Newspaper in English : click here
Newspaper in Burmese :click here







Myanmar Ahlin


Kyaymon

NewLight of Myanmar

Rohingya Exodus