Latest Highlight

By Zin Linn
April 14, 2015

Burma watchers around the world are paying special attention at the six-party talks held at the presidential residence in Nay-Pyi-Taw on 10 April. Present at the talks were President Thein Sein, the Union Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann, Upper House Speaker Khin Aung Myint, Commander-in-Chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairperson of the National League for Democracy Aung San Suu Kyi and Dr. Aye Maung who represents the ethnic parties.

According to Ye Htut, Presidential spokesman, three points were settled at the meeting - the outline for talks, the type of talks to be arranged and the time of next meeting. He declined to disclose details. The six-party talks would likely focus on peace building, national consolidation, improving the nation’s socioeconomic status and holding free and fair elections — all national objectives to be taken immediate action, as said by the president office.

All participants agreed to talk about constitutional amendments, peace building, launching a free and fair election and ensuring stability after 2015 elections. The leaders approved to meet again when the parliaments resume, Ye Htut said. The parliament will be continued its sessions on 11 May 2015.

People from all walks of life displease with the current President Thein Sein Government. Burma still cannot go into its objective of ending hostilities in ethnic areas. After President Thein Sein took office, his government seems ignoring its own promises – good governance, national reconciliation, poverty alleviation etc. – made during the presidential inaugural ceremony in March 2011.

The most crucial promise the president needs to carry out is ending civil war against ethnic rebels to implement good governance, nationwide ceasefire and poverty alleviation. His government also needs honoring ethnic people’s equal rights and self-determination so as to prevent the war.

Looking back into last year, on 16 March 2014, President Thein Sein made an address to parliamentarians, ethnic leaders and local people at the town hall in Myitkyina, during a tour in Kachin state. In his speech, he promised to build a free and open society that encourages full participation of all national races, the state-run newspaper said.

Speaking on the comprehensive reforms and equal opportunity in the nation-building activities, he called for unwavering action to resolve the disputes. Drawing comparisons with the past, he called attention to a blame game that creates evil consequences.

Additionally, President Thein Sein assured the people in Kachin State of his determination to move towards a lasting peace inspired by all people. With the exception of reaching a ceasefire, a political dialogue is crucial to have room for trust between the two sides in making peace, he added.

According to the state-run newspapers, the President also pledged to start political dialogue soon after signing a nationwide ceasefire agreement. He guaranteed that the military and the government stand united in working on peace. He stressed that the implementation of peace and stability are his administration’s main goals.

The primary criticism from the ethnic groups is that the President Thein Sein and his person-in-charge of peace process maintain economic development as key strategy. They look like considering the economic development of ethnic regions will solve the peace and conflict problem. It is indisputable that economic growth and job opportunities are necessary issues, but without addressing the corruption among the government officials, economic improvement may be a castle in the air. Besides, president should not overlook the core of the impasse is political negotiation.

In addition, the President and the military spokespersons have repeatedly made complaint the ethnic armed groups to lay down their arms, establishing political parties, contesting the elections and entering into parliament, then amending the constitution. The idea is almost impracticable to the ethnic opposition groups. To lay down their arms without any political settlement is out of the question for the ethnic armed groups.

Moreover, ethnic groups disbelieve to hold dialogue under 2008 Constitution. Instead, ethnic groups have asked meaningful political dialogues with no precondition. The constitution was drawn by the previous military junta and prohibits presidential candidates with a foreign spouse or child, a paragraph intentionally put in charter rejecting Suu Kyi as her two sons are British citizens. The charter also allows a quarter of parliamentary seats for unelected military officers with promises to set aside the defense, home and border affairs ministries under the military.

Speaking while on a trip to Australia in November 2013, Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi told an audience at the Sydney Opera House that the country had still not “successfully taken the path to reform” because the military-written 2008 constitution bars the country from becoming a democracy.

Burma’s main opposition NLD party led by Aung San Suu Kyi has called, during recent nationwide campaign, for public support for her party’s proposal to ratify constitutional reform particularly for Article 436. Aung San Suu Kyi has called again and again that Article 436 barred to amend every article of the 2008 Constitution. It says every amendment proposal must be approved by 75 percent of representatives in both houses of parliament. As the military holds 25 percent of all seats, it effectively holds veto power over the Constitution, she says.

In an interview with Reuters on 3rd April, the Nobel laureate told Reuters that her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party was "ready to govern" but that President Thein Sein was insincere about reform and might try to postpone the election. It is also remarkable that Aung San Suu Kyi has an option of boycotting the upcoming elections.

If a military-drafted constitution unchanged barring her becoming president, Burma’s political scenario ahead of 2015 General Elections seems to be unrest and chaotic.

In last March, there were students’ protests against a freshly accepted education law that the students say cut back academic freedom, according to media news. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), there are 105 students under arrested including 27 facing trial in Thayawaddy and Myingyan prisons.

Detaining students who protest for academic freedom shows an undemocratic practice of previous regime. As a result, a serious doubt emerges among public. Will this government keep its words for certain free and fair elections in coming November?

By Zin Linn
December 31, 2014 

Citizens of Burma or Myanmar remain skeptical of political transformation under the existing President Thein Sein’s regime that claims itself as a reformist government. The reason is that the regime just changes its clothes rather than its undemocratic mind-set. People believe country’s sovereignty has been dishonored by the Chinese state-owned Wanbao Company hiring Myanmar police as a tool.

Recently on 22 December 2014, a village-woman, Daw Khin Win, 56, was lethally shot by police as villagers made an effort to avert a land seizure in the vicinity of the Letpadaung copper mining project as stated by media reports. Daw Khin Win joined a crowd of around sixty villagers trying to prevent Chinese company’s attempting to put up a fence in the neighborhood of disputed farmlands. Daw Khin Win was killed on the spot as police opened fire at the protesters following villagers hit back the police and Chinese workers. Several other villagers were also injured, private media said.

Looking back into the past, the government has unveiled its true character during the crackdown on the peaceful anti-copper mine protesters including several Buddhist monks in November 2012. On November 29, 2012, in Monywa, Sagaing Division, riot police brutally run over six protest camps at the Letpadaung copper mine, arrested an indefinite number of protesters, and injured at least 100, including many with severe burns.

The worst was that the riot police have used inflammable bombs while they raided the camps where monks peacefully slept at early hours of the full-moon day. The regime used riot police equipped with harmful weapons, although there was no situation of riot or disorder in those sites where monks recited Mitta Sutra. Actually, the anti-copper mine protesters were just exposing their citizens' rights that the mine has severely damaged their livelihoods, environments and cultural heritages without sympathy.

The controversial copper mine in Sarlingyi Township in Monywa District is being accused of widespread land confiscations and environmental degradation, including mountain top abolition. The Lapadaungtaung copper mine project is jointly run by the military-owned UMEHL and China's Wanbao Mining Limited, a subsidiary of the Chinese arms manufacturer NORINCO.

During the protests against the Letpadaung copper-mine, the riot police are responsible for breaching common human rights abuses including arbitrary arrests, illegal detentions, and inhumane treatment that allow running free inflammable bombs into the crowd, as said by witnesses who joined the protest. That kind of act is more than an ordinary rights abuse. It's a violation of crime against humanity since nearly a hundred monks have been suffering severe burns all over their bodies.

Meanwhile, Notification No. 92/2012 appeared on the president's office website on 1 December 2012. The announcement said the President had set up a 30-member "Investigation Commission" chaired by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to look into whether copper mining should be continued and to find out the true situation about the recent containing of protest in Letpadaungtaung Copper Mining Project in Salingyi Township.

But, two days after the Notification No. 92/2012 prepared the 30-member commission, president's office released additional Notification No. 95/2012 on 3 December that the commission has been cut up to 16 members without stating any reasons for the cutback of the body. The closing date for the commission's report has also been postponed by a month, to 31 January, 2013.

The U-turn in the Presidential Notification No. 95/2012 dated 3 December is the latest inconsistency of government statements on the topic of the controversial Monywa copper mine tragedy. However, the 16-member commission has no authority to investigate unlawful crackdown done by the riot police equipped with harmful weapons and inflammable bombs.

A comment is scattering in the public that inquiry commissions have been frequently set up in this country. However, the government doesn't regularly scrutinize how the commissions do their duties and compile practical findings. That means people do not trust the work of such commission. People believe the commission’s findings were exploited by the military-owned UMEHL and China's Wanbao Mining Limited, a subsidiary of the Chinese arms manufacturer NORINCO.

In contrast, people were disturbed by the information when the President assigns their charismatic leader Aung San Suu Ky as commission chair. As they distrust the quasi-civilian regime practicing the old repressive conducts upon the citizens by abusing the law, people scared that Burma's Nobel laureate might perhaps be exploited by the immoral authorities.
Despite much talk about needed economic reform, President failed to mention the corruption and unprofessional conduct of officials from UMEHL and MEC. Without officially recognizing the well embedded corrupt practices in society, there can be no means to adequately address the issue.

The country’s citizens are very poor not because the country has no resources, but because the country’s leaders, including the current semi-elected government, refuses to acknowledge the extent of corruption and wealth amassed by the select few.

Without changing the functions and ownership of the military-run extra-large businesses, the President’s reform process will be of little real benefit to the general population. As foreign investment increases, the same military affiliated businesses and crony associates will be the biggest beneficiaries, not the average citizens.

According to the Democratic Voice of Burma, local villagers and activists have been calling for the shutting down of the Latpadaung Copper Mine, a joint-venture between the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings and Wanbao, a subsidiary to a Chinese arms manufacturer, which they claim is responsible for the confiscation of about 7,800 acres of farmland in total and has displaced farmers from 66 villages.

If President Thein Sein thinks himself of a true reformist, he should give sufficient authority to the copper-mine commission chaired by Aung San Suu Kyi along the lines of the international values in order to settle down the crisis before tragic situation took place.

The government must provide more transparency and accountability on Letpadaungtaung Copper Mine Project as Chinese company begins dishonoring Burma’s sovereignty. Besides, the killing of a village-woman in this December 2014, during anti-copper mine protest, looks as if Burma started closing down the democratic reform.

By Zin Linn
December 1, 2014

The people of Burma have been wishing for a peaceful and flourishing country since the 1948 independence achievement. But unfortunately, the nation’s independence hero General Aung San was assassinated a year ahead of independence. As a result, civil wars throughout the country occurred in the midst of the self-government offered by the British colonial rule.

In fact, General Aung San and the leaders of Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups had guaranteed a genuine federal union of Burma by signing the Panglong Agreement on 12 February, 1947. The historic agreement accepted the representatives of ethnic states to administer their own affairs in areas of economy, judiciary, education, and customs and so on.

However, ten years after independence, Burma was fallen into the hands of military dictators and became a least developed country (LDC) in line with the United Nations’ indicators of the lowest socioeconomic development and the lowest Human Development Index ratings of all countries in the world. In 1988, instability over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the military-backed socialist government led to widespread pro-democracy uprising all over the country known as the 8888 Uprising.

Security forces shot down thousands of protesters, and General Saw Maung launched a coup under the name of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In 1989, SLORC declared martial law after widespread protests. SLORC changed the country's official name from the "Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma" to the "Union of Myanmar" in 1989.

In May 1990, the junta held free elections for the first time since 1962 and Aung San Suu Kyi’s the National League for Democracy (NLD) won 392 out of a total 489 seats or above 80 percent of the seats. However, the military junta refused to transfer of power and continued to rule the country as SLORC until 1997, and then ruled as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) before its dissolution in March 2011.

Burma’s existing junta-made Constitution, approved in a May 2008 referendum, is conflict-ridden since it was set by way of one-sided endorsed principles. It says the military commander-in-chief can take sovereign power if the country is in a risky situation.

Ethnic-based political parties in Burma (Myanmar) and ethnic rebel groups negotiating nationwide ceasefire agreements with the government after decades of military conflict have called for amendments that allow self-determination for ethnic citizens.

People do not forget that the new charter itself emerged in the course of a charade referendum (May 2008) mockingly held after a week of the Nargis cyclone that caused more than 138,000 deaths and left millions homeless. The bill was ratified by the parliament in January 2011. The biggest flaw in the constitution is the privileged 25 percent of the seats in the parliament are set aside for soldiers who are basically appointed to the legislative body by the commander-in-chief. Unless this is amended, it is difficult to see true democratic reform in the country.

An ethnic outcry said that a nationwide ceasefire agreement without adequate guarantees of political dialogue and monitoring mechanisms is unacceptable. There is a constant demand from the country’s ethnic groups to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution must guarantee the rights of self-determination and of equal representation for every ethnic group in the Parliament.

Recently on 18 November, Lower house Speaker Shwe Mann said the country’s constitution cannot be amended ahead of 2015 elections. It means a clause in the charter barring opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming president may not review until 2015 general election is over. But, House Speaker’s announcement was challenge by Aung San Suu Kyi’s party saying he had no power to make such judgment. Shwe Mann is also head of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and who declared to contest for the presidency in 2015 polls.

Coincidently, the United States has pressed for more changes in Burma, where political and economic reforms initiated two years ago seem to have stalled. In addition, during his second Burma-trip in mid-November, Obama has told President Thein Sein that the next 2015 election needs to be fair, inclusive and transparent.

But, Burma’s political scenario in last quarter of 2014 seems more complicated than ever because there will be do-or-die struggles between the ‘pro-2008 Constitution faction’ and ‘anti-2008 Constitution parties’ that is basically connected with the presidential selection in 2015. In addition, there are many more challengers for the presidency office; with rumours putting sitting President U Thein Sein, Lower House Speaker U Thura Shwe Mann, and the military chief Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing as the front-runners.

In such a tough time, government army’s artillery shell killed 23 cadets at a training centre on the outer reaches of Laiza, the Kachin Independence Army capital on China –Burma border on 19 November 2014. It was the deadliest hit since a ceasefire agreement in 2011, General Gun Maw, the KIA's second-in-command said. Gun Maw said government's artillery attacks were warning of pressure towards the KIA to sign a ceasefire agreement without promise of political talks and to put off the elections.

Speaking while on a trip to Australia in last year November, Burmese opposition leader and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi told an audience at the Sydney Opera House that the country had still not “successfully taken the path to reform” because the military-written 2008 constitution bars the country from becoming a democracy.

Burma’s main opposition NLD party led by Aung San Suu Kyi has called, during recent nationwide campaign, for public support for her party’s proposal to ratify constitutional reform particularly for Article 436. Aung San Suu Kyi has called again and again that Article 436 barred to amend every article of the 2008 Constitution. It says every amendment proposal must be approved by 75 percent of representatives in both houses of parliament. As the military holds 25 percent of all seats, it effectively holds veto power over the Constitution, she says.

Aung San Suu Kyi has affirmed her readiness to run for president if the Constitution is amended to allow her to do so. Suu Kyi said it is her duty as leader of her National League for Democracy to be willing to take the executive office if that is what the people want. She said a clause in the constitution effectively barring her from the job is one of several clauses her party seeks to change.

Burma’s seemingly civilian government headed by President Thein Sein has declared itself as a reformist administration since it took power in March 2011. Finally, it has to meet head-on major challenge in order to show its true mind-set concerning constitutional revision which has been calling by various oppositions.

By Zin Linn
July 13, 2014

Burma’s media realm has been shocked as Pakokku district court in Magwe Division on Thursday (July 10) sentenced the chief executive officer of a weekly news journal and four of its reporters to 10 years in prison with hard labor for publishing a report that covered a huge mysterious government complex – established in Pauk Township, Magwe Division in Burma - was designed to produce chemical weapons.

The five journalists - Yazar Soe, Sithu Soe, Lu Maw Naing, and Paing Thet Kyaw, and chief executive officer Tint San – working at the Unity weekly news journal were sentenced ten-year jail term by Judge U Maung Maung Htay of Pakokku District Court, according to the domestic media reports.

They were arrested in February and put on trial under Burma's 1923 State Secrets Act, which forbids anyone from entering a prohibited place for any reason “prejudicial to the safety or interests of the state,” reports said.

Such an unbelievable imprisonment for journalists is a questioning for the government of President U Thein Sein. While the magistrate takes action in line with the official power which grants to him, it seems to be a harsh warning for Burma’s journalists and press freedom. Although President U Thein Sein has guaranteed the media freedom frequently, the local law enforcement officers look like overlooked reform process for democracy.

However, due to early this month religious riots in Mandalay President U Thein Sein blamed the media without any concrete facts.

“Severe action will be taken against those who intentionally spread hate speech and caused the riots, regardless of their race or religion,” he said in a radio address on Monday morning.

Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) says in its 10-July press alert: “Donor countries should bring diplomatic pressure on Burma's government and reconsider their economic support for the country following Thursday's sentencing of four journalists of a magazine and the publication's chief executive to 10 years of hard labor in prison, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.”

Southeast Asian Press Alliance also condemns Burma authorities concerning the latest repression on the press in its Friday statement. It says, “SEAPA is extremely disturbed by the verdict and the heavy sentencing of the journalists. The charges and the outcome are disproportionate to the problem at hand. We condemn the criminalization of media work, and in this case, the cruel punishment of hard labour. No journalist should have to face this kind of action for their work, and in the case of the Unity Journal, the issue covered clearly had immense public interest.”

According to the workers of the mysterious plant, it is a biggest chemical weapon factory in Burma where the Unity Journal’s reporters sneaked in the factory by the help of the employees. The reporters tried to uncover the government expenses of immeasurable public fund in order to build massive weapon plants whereas Western democracies give pressure to cut Burma’s spending on defense budget.

It will cause lessening confidence on the democratic reform by the international community. As the defense expenditure has been still amplifying under U Thein Sein government, it seems refueling the civil war against the ethnic rebels that taking place for more than sixty years.

Looking back into times of yore, President Thein Sein delivered an address on 01 March at the third regular session of first Union Parliament in commemoration of the first anniversary of the government’s inauguration, as said by the state media on March 2, 2012.

In his speech, the president gave credit not only the administration and political parties, but also all the stakeholders including civil societies and the fourth estate media. It was the first time that Burma’s president contemplated the fourth estate media as an important stakeholder in the country.

One of the main challenges of Burma is reconciliation between the ethnic armed groups and the government. Everyone has suffered from the various protracted conflicts in the country. Journalists can serve as a bridge between the ethnic armed groups, the government and civilian population to establish lasting peace in the country. The role of the ‘Media’ or the ‘Press’ is very important in time of rebuilding the country.

The public has a right to be informed on a subject of general interest like the story covered by the Unity Journal. Journalists who are just doing their job must be protected, and if anyone has to be prosecuted, it should be the newspaper. Under no circumstances should journalists be imprisoned because of the content of their articles.

In this contemporary world, people used to emphasize the importance of the free flow of information. They also call attention to freedom of expression, speech, writing, publishing and distribution of news among journalists, citizens of international community and peoples of various categories living on this earth.

At some points in recent years in Burma, the dissolution of press censorship, permitting private newspapers and creation of an Interim Press Council are signs of progress concerning freedom of the press. Particularly, it is remarkable that the President acknowledges the major role of the media as the fourth estate, in his speeches.

However, contrary to the President’s attitude, it is disappointing that five journalists of the Unity journal were sentenced ten-year jail term by the judge of Pakokku District Court. It shows that the Magway Divisional Government does not respect the press freedom which President U Thein Sein acknowledges as a necessity.

It is a bad sign for the free press related to the imprisonment of 5 reporters from the Unity Weekly Journal. The journal published a story concerning secret chemical weapon factory on 25 January. Police detained them in Pauk on 31 January on a charge of violating the State Secret Act, which allows a maximum sentence of 14 years in prison.

Therefore, journalists in Burma have to keep on their jobs facing threats and hindrances in the face of comprehensive reform process including media freedom.

Most of Burma’s media-related groups and journalists have opposed the repressive laws made by the government including procedures of writing additional draft laws for the media, with regulations for broadcasting, film, and the use of libraries as the new laws could add additional controls on the media.

While the country is at an intersection of political reform, the media workers in the country are looking forward to have more pragmatic backing from the international media groups.

International media watchdog groups have been urging the Burmese authorities repeatedly to dump the unethical laws governing freedom of expression. The Burmese government still needs to dump the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law, the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, article 505-B of the criminal code, the 1996 Television and Video Act, the 1996 Computer Science Development Act, the 1923 Officials Secrets Act and the 1933 Burma Wireless Telegraphy Act which are still threatening the press freedom in Burma.

By Zin Linn
February 22, 2014

Burma or Myanmar has a bad record concerning topic of human rights to date. Human Rights Watch criticizes Burma's lately formed National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) which has not take part in competent role to scrutinize human rights violations in conflict zones. In February 2012, the commission's chairman, U Win Mra, said that the commission would not look into allegations of abuses in the country's ethnic armed conflict areas due to the government's efforts to negotiate ceasefires.

HRW has also made a recommendation to the parliament which needed to pass legislation that would bring Myanmar's NHRC in line with the Paris Principles on national human rights institutions in order to establish it as an independent and effective institution. However, people do not satisfy with the NHRC's activities since it has made little progress for citizen's rights protection.

Recently, the Network for Human Rights Documentation -- Burma (ND-Burma) has released a periodic report documenting the human rights situation in Burma or Myanmar during the period of July 2013 -- December 2013. The report focuses on 106 cases of human rights violations (HRVs) committed by the government and its supporters in the 14 states and regions throughout the country.

There are many serious human rights violations addressed and highlighted in the report; torture, extra-judicial killing, illegal arrests and detention, arbitrary taxation, property crimes, forced labor, trafficking, forced displacement and rape.

ND-Burma's recent report says that while on a tour to Europe, President U Thein Sein promised to release all political prisoners by the end of 2013 and declared that there would never again be any political prisoners in the country. Yet, by the time of composing the report, there are 33 political prisoners imprisoned in reference to "The Review Committee for Remaining Political Prisoners'.

Even though most political prisoners were released under section (18) and section 505-b, they were not free unconditionally but released under section 401, the report says. These conditions mean that human rights and political activists can still be re-arrested at any time. The Government is yet to abolish or amend this law. Then ND-Burma highlights that campaigners and human rights advocates constantly urge the government to take steps towards abolishing these unjust and undemocratic laws.

ND-Burma documented 27 cases of forced labour, 26 cases of land confiscation and 21 cases of torture. The violations were committed as direct result of on-going armed conflict and the military involvement in trade and industry.

According to the report, "The confiscation and destruction of property that ND-Burma has reported through the efforts of field workers has been reflected by the growing number of reports in recent news out of Burma. The weakness of the 2012 Farmland Law has allowed the government and closely linked businesses to continue to commit these HRVs unabated."

As Burma has been carrying out democratic reform process, it should strictly pay attention to make a good human rights record. The government needs to cautiously review on "Resolution on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar' which was released by United Nations Human Rights Council on March 19, 2013.

The UNHRC expresses concern about remaining human rights violations, including arbitrary detention, forced displacement, land confiscations, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, as well as violations of international humanitarian law, and urges the Government of Myanmar to step up its efforts to put an end to such violations and to take necessary measures to ensure accountability and end impunity, including by undertaking a full, transparent and independent investigation into all reports of violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law, while also calling for proper investigations into detention and prison conditions and allegations of the use of torture in prisons.

In March last year, Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar called on the Government of Myanmar to take urgent steps to tackle the prejudice and discrimination fueling violence and destruction between Muslim and Buddhist communities, as said by the UN News Center. 

He called on other institutions such as Parliament, the Supreme Court and the National Human Rights Commission to play their role in protecting constitutionally guaranteed rights, including freedom of religion, as well as the need to include civil society and political parties to tackle prejudice and discrimination.

In its conclusion, the ND-Burma Report says that U Thein Sein called for a nation-wide cease-fire with the ethnic armed groups to implement a peace negotiation process; however, there are still serious human rights violations taking place on a daily basis in ethnic areas. These human right violations are not only taking place in conflict zones but also in ethnic areas where they have already signed cease-fire agreements. For instance there were over 150 clashes of offensive incidents in Shan State that are under RCSS/SSA control in 2013, as said by the report.

Such rights abuses committed by government armed forces would not help to implant trust in the relationships between Government and ethnic armed groups. Even though the government has released several political prisoners, the report criticizes that it continues to re-arrest political activists who made protest without permission under the section 18.

As a matter of fact, the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission has a massive responsibility to scrutinize human rights violations of the government. Besides, Myanmar has to do more on human rights rule and regulation clearly. If the government officials breach the laws, the relevant officials have to keep an eye on and call attention to violations. The formation of the MNHRC seems totally against international standards. This Human Rights body must be formed with independent human rights experts.

In a statement dated 13 July 2013 ahead of President U Thein Sein's visit to London, HRW says that there are various human rights risks to do business in Burma/Myanmar. These include the lack of rule of law and an independent judiciary, major tensions over the acquisition and use of land, and disregard of community concerns in government-approved projects. The military's extensive involvement in the economy, use of forced labor, and abusive security practices in business operations heightens concerns. Corruption is pervasive throughout the country, the watchdog criticizes.

In essence what the Government is giving with one hand it is taking away with the other, ND-Burma made a comment. It also said that people of Myanmar want to trust the Government but the evidence shows its promises are every now and then empty. Only by revealing the truth and seeking justice can the Government gain the trust and respect of the people, the human rights network points out.

By Zin Linn
January 12, 2014

The grassroots in Burma or Myanmar have doubts about the changes run by the President U Thein Sein Government as people have never had a taste of freedom, justice and equality. As a matter of fact, working-class including farmers are hesitant to accept the current situation as a change.

Actually, the previous military regime had changed their outfits and performance before a social revolution similar to Arab Spring took place in Myanmar.

Besides, the country was under grassroots’ condemnation as a result of its incompetent procedure for current reform process. Although the poverty alleviation is one of its reform items, farmers and workers are in despair as their lands and belongings have been illicitly confiscated by the military, local authorities and cronies. As a result, redundancy problem has been critically come forward and more than five millions of unemployed citizens have to leave the homeland in quest of jobs in neighboring countries.

Following over five decades of military rule, the harshest political uncertainty remains unchanged, as well as a military that still grab hold of the decision making power. For instance, the eleven-member National Defense and Security Council with the President keeps hold of the constitutional right to declare emergency declaration at any time.

Most important case is that even though the government has pronounced over and over again to restore rule of law, most of its respective authorities, including the local authorities, judges and police, are still abusing the power without restraint. In addition, the military and its cronies are still abused the law. As a result, the tradition of corruption and paying-off is on the rampage.

The country’s important natural resources and heavy industries including import, export and service sectors are monopolized by the military conglomerates and their crony allies. Military-managed business firms and crony enterprises are evading official income taxes by paying hush money to the respective bureaucrats. And they also have chances to take advantage of precious natural resources while the majority of citizens have been living in dire insufficiency for five decades.

Myanmar is a resource rich country under military officers’ economic mismanagement that pulled down the country below the poverty line. The country’s citizens are very poor not because the country has no essential prosperity, but because the country’s consecutive military leaders who decline to take the bull by the horns concerning corruption and wealth amassed by abuse of authority.

Without changing the management role and ownership of military’s business assets, President U Thein Sein’s reform process will be no benefit to country’s common people. Since foreign direct investment increases gradually, the same military affiliated businesses and crony associates will turn out to be the primary beneficiaries, not the average citizens.

Despite much talk about popular economic transformation, President U Thein Sein should create grounding in order to crack down the corruption and unprofessional conduct of tax evasion. Without officially recognizing the well embedded corrupt practices in the trade and industries sector, there can be no way to tackle the country’s long-lasting socio-economic deficiency.

In such a moment, President’s reform strategy may not have chance to convince the average people who have no opportunity to enjoy even their basic citizen’s rights. Presently, farmers, workers and students are launching their grievances via media publications calling for their basic rights.

While carrying out the development of peace and stability, national reconciliation and the rule of law, the nation has faced unexpected challenges and difficulties. However, the government seems to stay away from these challenges and difficulties as it even didn’t take responsibility for the requests of landless farmers and the homeless citizens.

In June last year, the President pointed out that without political stability economic development cannot be realized and without socioeconomic development political stability cannot be achieved, because politics and economy are interconnected.

Nevertheless, the civil war that made the country of substandard class has been going on for the past six decades. Although the government has been attempting through its peacemaking teams, the key ethnic rebel groups – Karen National Union (KNU) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) – are still unconvinced of the plan for political settlement.

The ethnic armed groups do not completely trust the government’s peace talks. The fact is that while offering a peace proposal, the government has been increasing its deployment of armed forces in the conflict zones. Besides, the government soldiers are on the loose and committing crimes and human rights abuses in the ethnic territories.

However, the civil war that made the country of inferior quality has been going on and on for the past six decades. Although the government has been attempting through two peacemaking teams, the key ethnic rebel groups – Karen National Union (KNU) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) – are still unconvinced of the plan for political settlement.

The ethnic armed groups do not completely trust the government’s peace talks. The fact is that while offering a peace proposal, the government has been increasing its deployment of armed forces in the conflict zones. Besides, Burmese army soldiers are on the loose and committing crimes and human rights abuses in the ethnic territories.

Moreover, the difficulties of ending the war against the KNU and the KIO are intertwined with the natural resources available in the respective ethnic states. The Myitsone dam venture and the Shwe-gas twin pipeline development projects are connected to the Kachin warfare and Dawei deep sea-port multi-billion mega projects need security guarantee by the KNU.

Additionally, the government wants to show the international community that their peace process is progressing well. By doing so, the regime could earn trust from Western democracies and sanctions may lift at the same time.

In addition, more than 20,000 combat soldiers from nearly 200 battalions have been deployed to the Kachin frontline, the biggest military maneuver in Myanmar’s long-lasting civil war, as reported by Kachin News Group. Several Kachin citizens think that the reason for renewing the war after a 17-year ceasefire is the plot of the military elites and cronies who want to exploit natural resources in the state.

It is unbelievable that President U Thein Sein once issued an instruction twice to commander-in-chief to halt the offensive against the KIO, but the war continues and inhabitants continue to run for their lives. According to Reuters, U Aung Min, deputy head of the government peacemaking team, declined to comment on the conflict in Kachin State. The Kachin offensives launched by the government army are still raging on in the face of presidential orders to stop fighting.

The KIA is the second strongest armed ethnic group in Myanmar. It has five brigades. Four of them are based in Kachin State. There are about 30 battalions, with over 30,000 fighters including regular and reserved forces.

Thus, several ethnic armed groups including the KIA have already decided to defend their basic rights - freedom, justice and equality - by holding their guns. If President U Thein Sein took no notice of addressing this delicate political issue by way of genuine political dialogue, his dreams of comprehensive reform process along with poverty alleviation may have little chance to be materialized.

Most political analysts believe stopping the aggressive wars on ethnic people is the most important issue to be addressed by the government. If it wants to build a peaceful and prosperous nation or an economic tiger in the region, U Thein Sein should persuade all members of the security-and-defense committee including the military boss to think broadly in favor of creation a federal union with freedom, justice and equality.

By Zin Linn
January 9, 2014

It is predictable that the Union of Burma or Myanmar is at a crossroads in the course of this politically complicated year. People consider that there will be a very big struggle among factions for political power in 2014 ahead of general elections next year. The foremost challenge will be a big battle for constitutional changes especially on presidential qualifications as citizens’ rights.

President U Thein Sein has spoken in support of the constitutional amendments that could bring about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, chairperson of the National League for Democracy, fitting qualified for the presidency. In a regular monthly televised public talk on 2 January, President U Thein Sein said he sought after the exclusion of all limitations that prohibit any Myanmar voter from taking office. 

U Thein Sein also said that amending the constitution may help getting national reconciliation. Although the constitutional changes have been broadly supported by the public, attitude has been at odds between old-school political parties and pro-democracy parties on revising Article 59(f).

On 3 January, over fifty citizens took to the streets in Yangon in opposition to some articles concerning the presidential qualifications put in the 2008 Constitution. The protestors were holding placard reading ‘No More Sections 59 (d) and (f)’ that proclaim presidential candidates must have knowledge of military experiences. The protestors said such articles may not be acknowledged as people's opinion. 

Article 59 (f) of the constitution restricts Myanmar citizens married to foreigners, or who have children holding foreign citizenship, to be inappropriate for president. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s late husband was a British subject and her two sons are British citizens. According to President U Thein Sein, the constitutional changes need to be made with reflection of democratic values, but national interests must be regarded as main concern. 

Aung San Suu Kyi said that all parties in Myanmar, not just parliament, should make efforts to amend the country’s constitution, warning that the current charter cannot ensure credible elections in 2015, according to Radio Free Asia (Myanmar Service). She also urged Myanmar citizens inside and outside of the country to make efforts amending the constitution.

When looking back into July 2012, President U Thein Sein who is also Chairman of Union Peace-making Central Committee delivered a speech at first meeting of the Central Committee in the meeting-hall of the Presidential Palace in Naypyitaw, according to state-run newspapers.

In his speech, President underscored the ‘Fundamental Rights and Duties of the Citizens’. As every national race owns the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, equitable treatment and opportunities should be granted, he emphasized.

During the meeting, U Thein Sein said that since his government was formed with people’s representatives elected by the people, it was obliged to implement the will of the majority people. To convert the old system to the new one is the people’s desire, he said.

He also said that transforming of the old system into the new one is practical change, rather than that on papers. Moreover political and economic changes must be carried out as foundation of the country.

Even U Thein Sein unusually said in his address, “Rule of law should prevail in all political reforms.”

Continuous armed ethnic clashes hinder economic development and spreading armed ethnic groups weaken the rule of law, he said.

“The foundation for building the nation is end of ethnic armed groups and conflicts,” the President highlighted.

It was noteworthy that the President deemed firm political reforms were compulsory for the success of economic reforms.

“And the end of ethnic conflicts is also needed for firm political reforms. It is needed to ease ethnic conflicts and distribute political and economic opportunities equitably,” he said.

To carry out political and economic reforms, ease of ethnic conflicts needs to be considered. Only when such reforms are carried out, national reconciliation will be achieved and ethnic conflicts will be ended, U Thein Sein said during the meeting of Peace-making Central Committee in July 2012. 

However, U Thein Sein said easily about national reconciliation and done the affair fruitlessly. The fact is that many of his cabinet members as well as bureaucrats in every level do not make a concerted effort in favor of good and clean governance.

During his speech at Union Peace-making Central Committee meeting, he pointed out a paragraph from the constitution. Section 348 in Chapter (8) Citizen, Fundamental Rights and Duties of the Citizens of the 2008 constitution prescribes, “The Union shall not discriminate any citizen of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, based on race, birth, religion, official position, status, culture, sex and wealth.” And Section 347 also goes, “The Union shall guarantee any person to enjoy equal rights before the law and shall equally provide legal protection.”

On the contrary, various ethnic leaders declared that they don’t have faith in the new 2008 constitution made unilaterally by the previous junta without any public consent. They consider that it will not produce a genuine federal union and will not allow equal political and economic rights to ethnic people in the future. For example, although there are public complaints, the government armed forces seize 25 percent seats in the existing parliament. It shows clearly that there are no equal rights as the President mentioned in his speeches.

Most people in Burma/Myanmar understand very well about the ‘U Thein Sein government’. According to some ordinary citizens, this existing government is similar to a snake which changed its outfit pretending to be representation of the people by means of charade polls in November 2010 voting.

The regime’s attempt to rename itself with a nominally civilian government was met with skepticism at home and abroad because of unfair articles in the 2008 Constitution drawn by the military. Many critics have doubts about the change that the military’s power has merely shifted behind the curtain.

The country’s strongman U Than Shwe also handed over his position as head of the soldiers during the power transfer, but many analysts firmly believe former Senior-General will find a way to hold on to power behind the political stage. 

As a result, to open the way of equal political rights for every citizen with erasing the Article 59 (f) of the constitution may not happen simply as some politicians imagine. People should not stop thinking about the sitting President U Thein Sein who acted as country’s former Prime Minister and a key collaborator of U Than Shwe. Both men have taken charge of drawing the current problematic constitution. U Thein Sein is among a selection of generals who threw away their military uniforms to maintain power on behalf of the military via the sham elections and is now at the helm of the country.

Thus, do not think simply to amend the controversial charter under the rule of military-backed President who has to be loyal to his senior mentor. If the people overlook the unity of the powerless, they may not win to change the undemocratic articles of the current constitution. Then citizens’ rights seem to be dismissed by the old-school ruling party headed by the previous military elites who stay behind the curtain. Only the unity of the citizens can change the one-sided charter into a democratic one.

By Zin Linn
January 6, 2014

The year 2013 has departed, but it leaves ongoing war upon ethnic population launched by government army produces more and more internal displaced people plus refugees from various Shan villages. Additionally, this war forces ethnic people to flee from the country. These war-victims escaped into neighboring countries as political exiles, illegal migrants and refugees.

So, people have to make questions that why government’s armed forces do not stop fighting along ethnic border areas. Without stopping war in ethnic areas, how can the President convince the people from the border areas of his government's goodwill efforts for peace and stability and growth?

While number of hostilities considerably decreased in many ceasefire regions, armed clashes in war-torn Kachin and Shan state are still unstoppable. Those hostilities in Kachin and Shan states have increased IDPs numbers along Sino-Myanmar border. As a result of more armed clashes between government’s forces and the Kachin Independence Army and communal violence in Rakhine state produce 140,000 internal displaced people.

Up till now, Myanmar government and ethnic armed organizations fail to reach a nationwide ceasefire agreement although they had maintained ceasefire talks in Myitkyina on Nov 4-5, 2013. Many hoped there would be a breakthrough via the meeting but it didn't take place. There are still many differences between Myanmar government and ethnic armed organizations, especially on founding of a federal union and a federal armed forces submitted by ethnic armed organizations while Myanmar government suggested ethnic armed groups to abandon arms and take part in politics.

However, there was no breakthrough result from Myitkyina summit but both parties agreed to continue additional ceasefire talks. The next of talks of the United Nationalities Federation Council (UNFC), an alliance of Burma’s armed ethnic groups, won’t take place until upcoming January. Originally the meeting was supposed to go on in December in the Karen National Union (KNU) controlled area.

Again, representatives from Myanmar government and ethnic armed groups will meet in an inner location in Karen state, in January 2014 after Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which formed during Laiza summit, meeting in KNU's control area. Although there are still differences, situation seems to be improved because both parties have submitted their proposals each other. Many issues stay behind to be discussed as ethnic armed organizations prefer getting political settlement before nationwide ceasefire signing. Ethnic leaders said most points in both proposals are agreeable although some points need to make bargain. However, the establishing of federal army issue will be a stalemate.

Constitutional amendment issue is beyond doubt a key question in Myanmar's political reforms. The 2008 constitution seems to be a federal constitution; however, the union parliament has more political power than the state parliaments. Political parties have highlighted undemocratic articles in the 2008 constitution, especially about military’s unelected 25% seats in all parliaments.

Myanmar parliament has already established a joint constitutional review committee to assess the constitution. Establishing a federal union and a federal army depend on the imminent constitutional progression. If Myanmar army agrees amendment of the constitution, political parties and ethnic armed groups will satisfy and make way for peace in the country.

When looking at international relation in 2013, Norway, Sweden, and EU have supported financial and technical supports for restoring peace in the country. Moreover, American and British governments have closely watched the political development in the country and are interested in to work with Myanmar army to respect human rights. The Japanese government also delivered financial and technical support to the government.

In the investment sector, China is still at the top among foreign investors in Myanmar. In recent years, Japanese transnational companies have regularly increased its investment in the newly open-up country.

Japanese companies have started Thilawa deep seaport construction and taking into consideration to invest in Dawei SEZ.

Regarding development, President U Thein Sein delivered an address at the opening ceremony of National Level Workshop on "Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation' at Myanmar International Convention Centre in Nay Pyi Taw ON 20 May 2013, according to the state-run newspapers.

In his address, U Thein Sein said, "The world is facing many challenges such as financial crisis, climate change, food security and rise in demand for energy. For Myanmar, an agro-based country, development of the agricultural and livestock breeding sector of rural areas, climate change, food security, higher incomes of rural people and poverty alleviation are the issues we have to address with all seriousness."

He additionally said that the respective authorities need to hold talks with economic experts, organizations and departments to find out how to deal with such demanding task and what programmes have to lay down.

He also encouraged establishing cooperative system. But the system did not win public trust in Myanmar because in the past, people were forced to participate in activities and corruption was out of control. Learning lessons from those events, citizens should support formation of cooperative societies with likeminded people, he said.

Burma remains one of the world's least developed countries, and was ranked 138 out of 182 countries in the 2010 UN's Human Development Index. Burma is regularly along with the most corrupt countries in the world by Transparency International's annual Corruption Perceptions Index -- in 2009, Burma was ranked third from the bottom after Afghanistan and Somalia.

Burma (Myanmar) is one of Asia's poorest countries, reflected in its health indicators. It had the 44th highest infant mortality rate of the 193 countries listed by the UNICEF in its 2011 State of the World's Children report.

Myanmar has no check and balance system since the defense sector regularly takes the lion share of the annual budget. If the government really wants to lift the people's social standard or trim down poverty, it must trim down its defense spending first. Without external threats, the country should not pay out too much for the military. As a result, the economy has plummeted and unemployment rate goes up. At the same time, the hyper-inflation burst out as corruption takes place as a key player.

To most citizens, ‘Poverty Alleviation’ should be started by fighting against the corruption or the practice of bribery. And it is also necessary to trim down the defense spending.

In year 2014, Myanmar has to take the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Member-Countries in the ASEAN region ought to convince the Government of Myanmar to take necessary measures for the improvement of its issue of economic disproportion and human rights situation related to the illegitimate land grabbing. The UN should also consider establishing a Commission of Inquiry into the illegitimate land confiscation business in Myanmar that caused not only armed conflict but also produced several thousands of landless farmers, refugees and internal displaced population.

Becoming chairman of the ASEAN, government should think about the suffering of its people as main concern. Millions of ethnic people have been expelled from their homes to make way for development projects such as hydropower dams, reservoirs and sea ports. However construction and engineering companies close to the government enjoy profits from those projects, without respecting human rights and existing laws of the nation.

By Zin Linn
January 4, 2013

The year 2013 has just accomplished its duty in Myanmar, but it leaves ongoing war upon ethnic population launched by government army produces more and more internal displaced people plus refugees from various Shan villages.

Additionally, this war forces ethnic people to flee from the country. These war-victims escaped into neighboring countries as political exiles, illegal migrants and refugees.

So, people have to make questions that why government’s armed forces do not stop fighting along ethnic border areas. Without stopping war in ethnic areas, how can the President convince the people from the border areas of his government's goodwill efforts for peace and stability and growth?

While number of hostilities considerably decreased in many ceasefire regions, armed clashes in war-torn Kachin and Shan state are still unstoppable. Those hostilities in Kachin and Shan states have increased IDPs numbers along Sino-Myanmar border. As a result of more armed clashes between government’s forces and the Kachin Independence Army and communal violence in Rakhine state produce 140,000 internal displaced people.

Up till now, Myanmar government and ethnic armed organizations fail to reach a nationwide ceasefire agreement although they had maintained ceasefire talks in Myitkyina on Nov 4-5, 2013. Many hoped there would be a breakthrough via the meeting but it didn't take place. There are still many differences between Myanmar government and ethnic armed organizations, especially on founding of a federal union and a federal armed forces submitted by ethnic armed organizations while Myanmar government suggested ethnic armed groups to abandon arms and take part in politics.

However, there was no breakthrough result from Myitkyina summit but both parties agreed to continue additional ceasefire talks. The next of talks of the United Nationalities Federation Council (UNFC), an alliance of Burma’s armed ethnic groups, won’t take place until upcoming January. Originally the meeting was supposed to go on in December in the Karen National Union (KNU) controlled area.

Again, representatives from Myanmar government and ethnic armed groups will meet in an inner location in Karen state, in January 2014 after Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which formed during Laiza summit, meeting in KNU's control area. Although there are still differences, situation seems to be improved because both parties have submitted their proposals each other. Many issues stay behind to be discussed as ethnic armed organizations prefer getting political settlement before nationwide ceasefire signing. Ethnic leaders said most points in both proposals are agreeable although some points need to make bargain.

However, the establishing of federal army issue will be a stalemate.

Constitutional amendment issue is beyond doubt a key question in Myanmar's political reforms. The 2008 constitution seems to be a federal constitution; however, the union parliament has more political power than the state parliaments. Political parties have highlighted undemocratic articles in the 2008 constitution, especially about military’s unelected 25% seats in all parliaments.

Myanmar parliament has already established a joint constitutional review committee to assess the constitution. Establishing a federal union and a federal army depend on the imminent constitutional progression. If Myanmar army agrees amendment of the constitution, political parties and ethnic armed groups will satisfy and make way for peace in the country.

When looking at international relation in 2013, Norway, Sweden, and EU have supported financial and technical supports for restoring peace in the country. Moreover, American and British governments have closely watched the political development in the country and are interested in to work with Myanmar army to respect human rights. The Japanese government also delivered financial and technical support to the government.
In the investment sector, China is still at the top among foreign investors in Myanmar. In recent years, Japanese transnational companies have regularly increased its investment in the newly open-up country.

Japanese companies have started Thilawa deep seaport construction and taking into consideration to invest in Dawei SEZ.

Regarding development, President U Thein Sein delivered an address at the opening ceremony of National Level Workshop on "Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation' at Myanmar International Convention Centre in Nay Pyi Taw ON 20 May 2013, according to the state-run newspapers.

In his address, U Thein Sein said, "The world is facing many challenges such as financial crisis, climate change, food security and rise in demand for energy. For Myanmar, an agro-based country, development of the agricultural and livestock breeding sector of rural areas, climate change, food security, higher incomes of rural people and poverty alleviation are the issues we have to address with all seriousness."

He additionally said that the respective authorities need to hold talks with economic experts, organizations and departments to find out how to deal with such demanding task and what programmes have to lay down.

He also encouraged establishing cooperative system. But the system did not win public trust in Myanmar because in the past, people were forced to participate in activities and corruption was out of control. Learning lessons from those events, citizens should support formation of cooperative societies with likeminded people, he said.

Burma remains one of the world's least developed countries, and was ranked 138 out of 182 countries in the 2010 UN's Human Development Index. Burma is regularly along with the most corrupt countries in the world by Transparency International's annual Corruption Perceptions Index -- in 2009, Burma was ranked third from the bottom after Afghanistan and Somalia.

Burma (Myanmar) is one of Asia's poorest countries, reflected in its health indicators. It had the 44th highest infant mortality rate of the 193 countries listed by the UNICEF in its 2011 State of the World's Children report.

Myanmar has no check and balance system since the defense sector regularly takes the lion share of the annual budget. If the government really wants to lift the people's social standard or trim down poverty, it must trim down its defense spending first. Without external threats, the country should not pay out too much for the military. As a result, the economy has plummeted and unemployment rate goes up. At the same time, the hyper-inflation burst out as corruption takes place as a key player.

To most citizens, ‘Poverty Alleviation’ should start fighting against the corruption or the practice of bribery. And it is also necessary to trim down the defense spending.

In year 2014, Myanmar has to take the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Member-Countries in the ASEAN region ought to convince the Government of Myanmar to take necessary measures for the improvement of its issue of economic disproportion and human rights situation related to the illegitimate land grabbing. The UN should also consider establishing a Commission of Inquiry into the illegitimate land confiscation business in Myanmar that caused not only armed conflict but also produced several thousands of landless farmers, refugees and internal displaced population.

Becoming chairman of the ASEAN, government should think about the suffering of its people as main concern. Millions of ethnic people have been expelled from their homes to make way for development projects such as hydro-power dams, reservoirs and sea ports. However construction and engineering companies close to the government enjoy profits from those projects, without respecting human rights and existing laws of the nation.

By Zin Linn
December 26, 2013

Burma or Myanmar has a serious political sickness in the name of ‘constitution change’ that spread throughout the country especially in the ethnic constituencies.

At the same time, people are worried about for rigid clauses that help military elites keep going above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel laureate and chairperson of the National League for Democracy, said at a press conference following a three-day (8-10 May, 2013) workshop that the strictest restrictions that make the 2008 constitution unchangeable must be removed before any constitutional amendment could succeed.

Section 435 of the 2008 Constitution says that if 20 percent of the total number of the Union Parliament representatives submits a Bill to amend the Constitution, it shall be considered by the Union Parliament. Section 436 states that the constitution can only be amended with the prior approval of more than 75 percent of all the representatives of the Union Parliament, followed by a nationwide referendum.

So it is understandable that the military-made constitution seems unchangeable, especially if it seeks to remove unelected army representatives from the legislative body.

As mentioned in the media news, the amendment appilication was put forward as an important issue to the Lower House by Thura Aye Myint, vice chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), and it was approved without any difference of opinion. Military appointed parliamentarians also voted in favor of the proposal.

“I believe that the 2008 Constitution now requires reviewing according to the current situation of the country though it was written with a good cause for the future of our country,” Thura Aye Myint said at the parliament.

“A committee or commission will be formed comprising of law experts, academics and professionals,” he added.

The 15-chapter 2008-Constitution, drafted in line with the core principles laid down by the previous junta, was promulgated in May 2008 after a controversial public referendum.

Under existing constitution, a general election was held on 7 November 2010 and the USDP won majority of the parliamentary seats. The USDP Chairman U Thein Sein has been elected as president of the new quasi-civilian government and run the office in March 2011.

Since taking office in March 2011, President U Thein Sein has introduced a series of remarkable political and economic reforms after almost five decades of authoritarian rule by military dictatorship. A major reform was giving political space for Suu Kyi's party so as to take part in the by-electoral process in April 2012 through which the NLD won 43 of 44 seats last year.

Even though USDP’s MPs submitted a constitutional amendment, it is not predictable to meet Suu Kyi's dream for presidency; the presentation sends a warning sign that the government party is pragmatic and most likely willing to deal with hot ethnic bids before the 2015 general election.

Myanmar’s current Constitution, approved in a May 2008 referendum, is flooded with misleading principles. It says the country must be united under one military command. To bring the ethnic groups in line with this term, the previous military regime has ordered all armed rebel groups to become part of Burma’s border guard force ahead of the 2010 election.

The Union Parliament of Myanmar has agreed a proposal shaping 109-member Joint Committee to Review the 2008 Constitution on 25 July with the purpose of making necessary changes.

The committee was set up with the deputy speaker of the Union Parliament as chairman along with the deputy speaker of the Lower House and the deputy speaker of the Upper House as vice chairman. The committee was formed with members of parliament, members of political parties, military MPs and individuals.

However, the ruling USDP party holds 52 seats and military representatives hold 25 seats in the 109-member committee, while 7 members of the opposition NLD take part with 25 members from small ethnic parties. The formation of the committee seems unbalanced since there are 77 pro-military members in the 109-member Joint Committee.

As a result, there is widespread expectation that the committee will defend the undemocratic articles of the 2008 Constitution. According to the common people’s understanding, the existing constitution protects the military and its business empire together with the everlasting authorized power.

The political fixture seems try to find solution to the burning constitution problem on the agenda for the 2015 general election. Parliamentarians from Myanmar’s ruling party on March 15 took the first step towards the possible amendment of the constitution which was drawn up under the previous military junta and intentionally vetoes the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency.

The constitution says that candidates whose spouses or offspring are citizens of a foreign country shall not run in the presidential and vice-presidential selection. As Suu Kyi’s late husband Michael Aris and their two adult sons are British, people can easily see such clauses are targeted at the opposition leader.

In addition, ethnic minorities have been suffering through decades of vicious circle under military operations in the name of national unity. Attacks on these rural civilians continue on a regular basis, recently in Kachin and Shan states. There is a constant demand from Burma’s ethnic groups to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution needs to guarantee the rights of autonomy and of equal representation for every ethnic group in the legislative body.

On 14 November, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi told a European Union business forum that investors should not ignore the country’s political challenges as it heads towards crucial 2015 elections.

The Nobel laureate said constitutional change was very important for the economic improvement of the country, as Myanmar opens its key regional developing market after decades of military rule.

“Anybody that encourages business or investment or any other activity in Burma while at the same time totally ignoring the need to amend the constitution is not being pragmatic,” Aung San Suu Kyi said, using the country’s former name, according to AFP News.

The NLD has been determined to work together with the ethnic parties to get an idea of public opinion on the correction of the constitution. It also said that the results of its findings will be submitted to the legislative body.

The NLD is once again using its canvassing strategies as exercised in the by-election in April last year, with a firm focus on the restoration of the rule of law, constitutional amendments where the 2008 Constitution does not meet the standard of democracy, especially in completion of equal-shared democracy, lack of creation of equal opportunity for all citizens, and to make changes to the terms that prevent a free and fair election in 2015.

People do not fail to remember that the current constitution come into view in the course of a farce referendum in May 2008, irreverently held just after the destructive Nargis cyclone that caused more than 138,000 deaths and left millions homeless.

The bill was ratified by the parliament in January 2011. The biggest flaw in the constitution is that 25 percent of the seats in the parliament are set aside for soldiers who are basically appointed to the legislative body by the commander-in-chief of the military.

Unless this is amended, it is easier said than done to create a true democratic change in Myanmar. Situation may even force the country to suffer a harmful political sickness.

According to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s explanations, it is a must to amend the existing constitution prior to 2015 General Elections so as to become free and fair polls. Even though 2015 ballot may be free, it will not be fair under the current undemocratic 2008 Constitution, the Nobel laureate said.

Rohingya Exodus