A four-member US team, looking for ways to help the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh improve their living standards, is scheduled to arrive here on Tuesday on a three-day visit to Bangladesh.
The team members are Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Joseph Y Yun, Deputy Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs Alyssa Ayres, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration Kelly Clements, and Deputy Assistant Secretary for Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour Daniel Baer.
The team is now in the Rakhine state of Myanmar figuring out the conditions of the Rohingyas after the recent sectarian violence there.
According to Foreign Ministry sources, the US team arrived in Myanmar on September 8.
During their visit to Bangladesh, they will hold talks with government officials and representatives of international organisations for finding out the role of the USA government to help improve the living conditions of the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, not to repatriate them.
US Ambassador in Dhaka Dan W Mozena will be with the team during their visit to Rohingya refugee camps in Cox's Bazar.
Since the sectarian violence erupted in Myanmar's Rakhine state in June, countless Rohingyas are trying to enter Bangladesh through Teknaf border but Bangladesh did not accept them as it is already overpopulated although there were calls from different quarters to shelter them on humanitarian grounds.
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina repeatedly said Bangladesh cannot afford to allow in any more Rohingyas fleeing persecution in the neighbouring Myanmar. She said Bangladesh is already overpopulated and it was not its responsibility to help all those coming in from across the border.
Some 25,000 Rohingyas, who took shelter in the two refugee camps in Cox's Bazar two decades back, are still living in Bangladesh instead of returning back. Besides, nearly 4 lakh unregistered Rohingyas are staying in Bangladesh.
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Sources Here:
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| U.S Ambassador Derek Mitchell, US Based Rohingya Organization Chairman Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin, and BRANA Information Secretary Nay San Oo at the State Department , Washington DC on May 11,2012 |
By Patrick Barta
YANGON—Intolerance toward Muslim Rohingyas in Myanmar has dented some Americans’ perceptions of the country, but hasn’t significantly altered Washington’s views on easing sanctions, the U.S.’s new ambassador in Yangon said.
Like other Western nations, the U.S. has eased some sanctions against Myanmar in recent months, and has signaled it could take further steps to reward Myanmar if its recent round of political and economic reforms continues. But even as relations between the two countries warm, sectarian violence between Buddhists and Muslim Rohingyas that left at least 88 people dead and displaced thousands of others has added a new strain.
“I have to say it did surprise us to the degree that there would be violence so quickly, that it would spread so terribly,” said U.S. Ambassador to Myanmar Derek Mitchell in a recent interview with The Wall Street Journal.
“I don’t think it affects our view on sanctions,” he went on. “It just means we have an even more complex challenge ahead of us in the country.”
Mr. Mitchell said the Rohingya conflicts were particularly troubling because they revealed deeper issues of injustice in the country than those usually considered by the international community. In the past, international leaders focused much of their attention on alleged human-rights abuses by the Myanmar military and government. But in the case of the Rohingyas, much of the discrimination comes from everyday citizens, some questioning the right of the Rohingyas merely to live in the country.
“It’s unfortunate when you see the depths of intolerance and discrimination….among citizens,” Mr. Mitchell said—including “people who otherwise you would think of as progressive and who have fought so long for civil rights,” such as Buddhist monks.
As a result, the concerns raised by the recent violence are “broader than what our traditional concern is, which is the system, or the government, or the military,” he said. “This had to do with the deep-seated intolerance that seemed to be within the society writ large. So I think that’s where the deep disappointment came. And it creates a division between them and us to a degree.”
In a statement issued Tuesday and circulated by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Thursday, Myanmar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs blasted what it called “false and fabricated news reporting” on the Rohingya clashes, which it described as “purely internal affairs of a sovereign state.” The violence was “not relating to any kind of religious persecution or religious discrimination,” it said, but rather related to a conflict between two communities following a criminal act, widely reported as a rape of a Buddhist woman.
“Therefore,” the statement said, “we will not accept any attempt to politically regionalize or internationalize this conflict as a religious issue.”
Mr. Mitchell said U.S. officials were sensitive to the feelings among Buddhists in Western Myanmar that they, too, have suffered in recent years, and that international organizations focus too heavily on Rohingya concerns.
But he said that doesn’t mitigate the need to aid the Rohingyas, who have struggled for many years to find a home in a region where no government seems to want them. Myanmar excludes them from citizenship laws and restricts their movements and activities, including marriage. Myanmar officials argue that many Rohingyas are living illegally in the country, and say they have done their best to protect them.
The “Rohingya are oppressed by everybody,” Mr. Mitchell said. “These people are stateless. They have nowhere to turn. And it is not going to be lost on the international community.”
Even so, it’s unclear how much leverage U.S. officials will have to pressure the Myanmar government to expand rights for Rohingyas so long as momentum builds to keep easing sanctions. Although the U.S. continues to ban Myanmar imports and maintains some other restrictions, it recently suspended sanctions blocking U.S. investment, and U.S. companies are moving quickly to step up their involvement there.
To investigate the latest violence, Myanmar officials have established a commission whose 27 members include former student activists, representatives from political parties and even some government critics who spent time in jail as political prisoners. The well-known comedian known as Zarganar is a member, as is activist Ko Ko Gyi, who helped lead student protests against the old military regime in 1988. The commission is supposed to submit its findings by Sept. 17.
Although some international organizations applauded the creation of the commission, others remain skeptical. In a joint statement issued last week, a group of international Rohingya associations including the Burmese Rohingya Organisation U.K. said they believe the commission “will not be credible and truly independent” unless Rohingya representatives are added to its membership, which it said included people who had “directly or indirectly” fueled the violence. The groups called for a U.N. commission of inquiry.
In its latest statement on the violence, Myanmar’s government said it had created the 27-member commission “with a view to exposing the real cause of the incident and to give advice for the national interest.” It added that the government is “working closely” with the international community to bring relief to areas affected by the violence.
—Celine Fernandez contributed to this article
Source here
Beginning of 21st century is marked the domination of democratic government all over the world; America remains the sole leader of democracy, cessation of cold war ended socialist and communist influence all over the world, and dictators have fewer chances to remain in power.
When Rakhine Buddhists started burning, and killing of us, I requested my teacher who lives in Yangon to ask help from US embassy. He told me that he appealed several time to the political officer of US embassy.
I believe that USA is the sole Superpower which can solve our problem; I thought US would help us, I did hope US would try to save Rohingya people but US did not take any responsibility as a leader of World Democracy.
I don’t understand that US has not acknowledged Rohingya genocide yet. I am not a scholar, I hardly finished Bachelor Degree in Sittwe University, and I know the meaning of genocide.
Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.
In Myanmar, Rohingya people have being persecuted for many decades, even their existence is denied by the government, Rohingya people have been deprived of even fundamental human right, thousands of Rohingya had already killed in the prisons, and during the persecution. The Rakhine Buddhists and government are continuously and consistently killing Rohingya in many different ways.
There are thousands of Rohingya in the prisons of Rethedaung, Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Kyauktaw, Pauktaw, and Sittwe who are tortured violently by the polices when they are being brought to the court every week, everyday at least 3 or 4 Rohingya die because of torture in every prison and police custody. Is it not a planned genocide?
Myanmar government alleged Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. The government has been trying to prove Rohingya as illegal immigrants using NaSaKa and various operations. The NaSaKa is a border security force consisting of members of the police, Military Intelligence, the internal security or riot police (known as Lon Htein), customs officials, and the Immigration and Manpower Department. NaSaKa tried more than three decades but failed to prove a single family which entered from Bangladesh.
United States’ “War on Terror” became an excuse for Myanmar dictators to continue persecution of Rohingya. It is used as a strategy for ethnic cleansing of Rohingya. Thousands of unarmed innocent Rohingya were killed in the name of terrorists. How can the people in the open prison of Arakan become terrorists? US government knows very well who are real the terrorists, why does US government keep silent to refuse that Rohingya can not be terrorists?
Myanmar government has been systematically persecuting Rohingya people for many decades. US government is informed by human right watch and other human activist groups but US government has not condemned Myanmar dictator yet, why? “Crime against humanity” means any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack. Does US government know it?
Rohingya people have long been discriminated against, and are denied citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law. Rohingya asylum-seekers continue to flee to Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Australia, and other European countries. They are subject to serious abuses, especially forced labor (e.g. construction of roads, bridges, model villages and military facilities, camp maintenance, pottering) and arbitrary taxation.
The Burmese military regime is allowing its troops systematically and on a widespread scale to commit rape with impunity in order to terrorize and subjugate the Rohingya people. The report illustrates there is a strong case that war crimes and crimes against humanity, in the form of sexual violence, have occurred and continue in the whole Arakan State.
Last three months, there are thousands of arbitrary arrest (including harassment and violence by police forces, death in custody and sexual violence). In addition, people are often harassed (house searches, confiscation of assets) or beaten by police forces, mainly during controls or at checkpoints. Cases of rape of young women and children, perpetrated by different police forces, have been reported international criminal rules punish not only rape but also any serious sexual assault falling short of actual penetration. Still, US do not take any effective action to the Myanmar government, why? Why does mighty US government so silent in order to take any action? If US think that what I am writing is wrong, US could send an independent international investigation group to Arakan State.
Rakhine Buddhists and Thein Sein government plan to deport or kill all Rohingya people, why do world’s lawyers ignore this case. Is there any international law which implement regarding deportation?
“Deportation or forcible transfer of population” means forced displacement of the persons concerned by expulsion or other coercive acts from the area in which they are lawfully present, without grounds permitted under international law.
Numerous Mosques and Madrasas have been destroyed. Others are simply closed off. It is strictly forbidden to build new ones since 1962– even renovating or repairing a Mosque is forbidden . The government also confiscated Mosques and Madrasas to make administrative building of them .
Crimes Against Humanity: namely, murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation…or persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, whether or not in violation of the domestic law of the country where perpetrated.
Thein Sein government must immediately end the persecution of the Rohingya minority and the violation of their most basic human rights. All policies and practices amounting to enslavement, restrictions on movement, forced labor, deportation, forcible transfer of population, land confiscation, rape and sexual violence, marriage restrictions, arbitrary detention, murder, torture and other ill-treatment, discrimination, and other violations without delay. US government can persuade Thein Sein government but US do not take any serious consideration, why? If American or European are in Rohingya’s place, don’t they change their policy? Don’t they think Rohingya as human?
According to World Democracy, Thein Sein government must repeal all laws identified as forming the basis of discriminatory policies against the Rohingya minority. In particular, the government must put an end to the statelessness of the Rohingya minority, and ensure its ability to live free and equal lives as full citizens of Burma. Why don’t US citizens feel sorry for Rohingya people?
UN Special Reporter was given enough proofs regarding the persecution in Arakan State. The Security Council should establish a Commission of Inquiry to investigate and collect further evidence on the perpetration of crimes against humanity in the Arakan State. Why don’t US consider persecution of Rohingya as a crime against humanity? Don’t they want democracy in Myanmar?
Thousands of the Rohingyas have lost their homes, and the Commission must ensure that the Thein Sein government provides them with homes and the possibility to live their lives free from fear of further persecution. Why don’t US try to put pressure on Thein Sein government in order to save Rohingya people and Kachin people? Are those US enemies? They are supporters of Democracy but US do no positive approach to solve the problem, why? What kind of democracy does US government want in Myanmar? Do US want Myanmocracy of Thein Sein in Myanmar? Does US government want justice in Myanmar ? Can US government announce its policy and reason of being silence regarding the Rohingya case? Do US need more documents to open up the reality?
US government knows well that Thein Sein’s so-called Investigation Commission is just to deceive the world. Keeping silent knowingly against criminals is also a crime.
I would like to appeal US government to consider my complaints sincerely and recognize me as a human.
Yours Faithfully,
Aung Aung Oo
Chin Pain Road
Kun Dan Quarter
Sittwe(Akyab)
Myanmar.
ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံထဲ အစိုးရသစ္ တက္လာၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ အခ်ိဳ႕ရိွေပ မယ့္ ဘာသာေရးဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြကေတာ့ ရိွေနဆဲျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဒီကေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဌာန အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္စဥ္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေနက် ဒီ အစီရင္ခံစာ မွာ ႏိုင္ငံအရပ္ရပ္က ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္အေျခအေနကို ေဖာ္ျပရာမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲ အထူးသျဖင့္ လူနည္းစု ဘာသာ ၀င္ေတြဟာ ပစ္မွတ္ထား ဖိႏွိပ္မႈခံရေနရဆဲျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ အေၾကာင္းစံုကိုေတာ့ ကိုသားညြန္႔ဦးက ေျပာျပမွာပါ။
ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အမ်ားစုရိွတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဘာသာအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ ထားျခင္းမရိွေပမယ့္ ဘာသာ ယံုၾကည္ ကိုးကြယ္မႈ ဓေလ့စ႐ိုက္ေတြအေပၚမွာ အေျခခံၿပီး လူမႈ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းအတြင္း ခဲြျခားဆက္ဆံမႈေတြ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြ ရိွေနတယ္လို႔ အခု အေမရိကန္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ဌာနရဲ႕ ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ လူမ်ားစုနဲ႔ ခရစ္ယာန္၊ မြတ္ဆလင္ လူနည္းစုေတြအၾကား လူမႈနယ္ပယ္အတြင္း တင္းမာမႈေတြရိွေနတယ္ လို႔ ေထာက္ျပပါတယ္။ အခ်ိန္ အတန္ၾကာကတည္းက ရိွခဲ့တဲ့ ဘာသာေရး တင္းမာမႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ႐ုတ္တရက္ အေၾကာင္းတရားေတြကေန အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြအထိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္လို႔ အေမရိ ကန္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဌာနရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ဆိုင္ရာ သံအမတ္ႀကီး Suzan Johnson Cook က မေန႔က သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပဲြ အတြင္းမွာ ေျပာသြားပါတယ္။
“ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲ အခ်ိန္အေတာ္ၾကာၾကာကတည္းက တအံုေႏြးေႏြးနဲ႕ရိွခဲ့တဲ့ တင္းမာမႈေတြကေန ပစ္ပယ္ခံေနရတဲ့ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအေပၚ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ ႐ုတ္ခ်ည္းဆိုသလို က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။”
အစီရင္ခံစာထဲမွာေတာ့ လူနည္းစု ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြကို ခဲြျခားဆက္ဆံမႈေတြရိွသလို လူနည္းစု လူမ်ိဳးေတြရဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္ကိုးကြယ္မႈေတြ အေပၚမွာလည္း စည္းမ်ဥ္း တင္းၾကပ္မႈေတြ ရိွေနတယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။ အစိုးရသစ္လက္ထက္မွာ သတင္းမီဒီယာ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေတြ ရိွလာေပမဲ့ ဘာသာေရးအရ ထုတ္ေ၀မႈေတြကိုေတာ့ သာသနာေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ထား ဆဲျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ေတာ့ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြရဲ႕ Bible က်မ္းစာ၊ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြရဲ႕ Qur’an က်မ္းစာ ထုတ္ေ၀မႈေတြမွာ ကန္႔သတ္မႈေတြ ခံေနရတယ္ လို႔ ေထာက္ျပပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ဘာသာေရး ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္္ပဲ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံကို ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ဆိုင္ရာ Country of Particular Concern (CPC) အထူး စိုးရိမ္ရတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံစာရင္းထဲမွာ ၁၉၉၉ ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက သတ္မွတ္ထည့္သြင္းထားတယ္လိ္ု႔ ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။ အခု အစိုးရသစ္ တက္လာၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးအေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ရိွေနေပမဲ့ ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အေျခအေန ကေတာ့ ထူးမျခားနားရိွေနဆဲပဲလို႔ ခ်င္းလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖဲြ႔ အမႈေဆာင္ညြန္ၾကားေရးမႉး ဆလိုင္းေဘြလွ်မ္းက ဗီြအိုေအ ျမန္မာပိုင္းကို ေျပာပါတယ္။
“တေလွ်ာက္လံုးေပါ့ေနာ္။ အဲဒီ မဆလ ေခတ္ကတည္းက က်မ္းစာအုပ္ေတြကို ခ်င္းဘာသာနဲ ႔ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ထုတ္ေဝခြင့္ မရွိခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါတင္မကဘူး၊ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာရဲ႕ အေရးႀကီး အဓိက အခန္းက႑မွာပါတဲ့ လက္ဝါးကပ္တုိင္ေပါ့ေနာ္- အဲဒီ လက္ဝါးကပ္တုိင္ေတြကို ဖ်က္ဆီး တာ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလး ေတြ႔ရတယ္။ အစိုးရအသစ္တက္လာၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္း ခ်င္းျပည္နယ္ေတာင္ ပိုင္း၊ မင္းတပ္မွာလည္း ဖ်က္တယ္။ ကန္ပက္လက္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွာလည္း ဖ်က္တယ္၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ခ်င္းျပည္ နယ္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ဟားခါးမွာလည္း ဖ်က္ဆီးတာေတြ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။
ဆိုေတာ့ အစိုးရသစ္တက္လာၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္း ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္နဲ႔ တိုးတက္မႈ မရွိဘူးေပါ့ေနာ္။ စိုးရိမ္စရာေတာင္ ပိုေကာင္းသလားလို႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေတြ႔ေနရတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြ ရွိတယ္။”
အခုလိုမ်ဳိး လူနည္းစု ဘာသာေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္လုိ႔ အခုလို ဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတဲ့ ျပႆနာက အစိုးရထဲမွာ ဒါမွ မဟုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္မွာရွိတဲ့ စံနစ္ေၾကာင့္လုိ႔ပဲ ယူဆသလား၊ လူမႈအဖဲြ႔အစည္းထဲ မွာကိုက ျဖစ္ေနတာလား၊ ဘယ္လိုျမင္ရသလဲခင္ဗ်။
“အေရးႀကီးတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ထင္တာက ကမၻာမွာၾကည့္လို႔ရွိရင္ ဘာသာေရးအေျခခံ မဟုတ္တဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီတုိင္းျပည္ေတြမွာ သာသနာေရး ဝန္ႀကီး ဌာနေတြမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မေတြ႔ရွိဘူးေပါ့ေနာ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာက ထူးထူးျခားျခား သာသနာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနက အဓိက အခန္း က႑မွာ ပါဝင္ေနတယ္။ ဆိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ လူနည္းစုဘာသာ ခရစ္ယာန္ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ တျခားဘာသာ အျမင္နဲ႔ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေျပာရလို႔ရွိရင္ အဲဒီ သာသာနာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနဟာ လူနည္းစုေတြကို ဖိႏွိပ္ဖို႔နဲ႔ အမ်ားစု ဘာသာကို ပ့ံပိုး အားေပးၿပီးေတာ့ ေျမႇာက္ပင့္တဲ့ဌာနလို႔ပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေတြ႔ျမင္ေနရပါတယ္။”
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲ အျခားလူနည္းစု ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြတင္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ လူမ်ားစု ကိုးကြယ္တဲ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာထဲမွာ မတူကဲြျပားတဲ့ အျမင္ေတြ၊ အယူအဆေတြအေပၚ ခဲြျခားဆက္ဆံမႈ၊ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြ ရိွေနတုန္းပဲလို႔ အခု ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဌာနရဲ႕ ဘာသာေရး အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ စိုးရိမ္ခ်က္ေတြနဲ႔ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအေပၚမွာလည္း ဖိႏွိပ္္မႈေတြရိွေနတဲ့အေၾကာင္း သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစု ျပည္ပ တာ၀န္ခံ အရွင္ပညာေဇာတကလည္း မိန္႔ပါတယ္။
“သံဃာေတာ္ေတြကို သကၤန္းေတြ အတင္းဆဲြခၽြတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေထာင္ထဲ အထည့္ခံရတာမ်ဳိးေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ တရားေဟာခြင့္ ပိတ္ပင္တာမ်ဳိးေတြလည္း ရွိပါတယ္။ ဥပမာ သာဓု ေက်ာင္းဆရာေတာ္ကို တရားေဟာခြင့္ ပိတ္တာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ေနာက္ ဒယ္အိုးဆရာေတာ္ကို တရားေဟာခြင့္ ပိတ္တာမ်ဳိးေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။”
အစိုးရသစ္တက္လာၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္တဲ့အထဲမွာလည္း ရဟန္း၊ သံဃာေတာ္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ပါလာတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္ ဘုရား။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အစိုးရသစ္ တက္လာၿပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာေရာ- အခုနကလို အလားတူ အေျခအေနက ေျပာင္းလဲလာပါသလား။
“သိပ္ၿပီး ထူးထူးျခားျခား ေျပာင္းလဲတာမ်ဳိး မရွိပါဘူး။ ဥပမာ တခ်ဳိ႕ေက်ာင္းေတြ ဆိုရင္ ေထာင္က လြတ္လာတဲ့ သံဃာေတြကို လက္မခံရဲ ေအာင္၊ လက္မခံႏိုင္ေအာင္ေပါ့။ တိုက္႐ိုက္ႀကီး မဟုတ္ရင္ေတာင္မွ သြယ္ဝုိက္ၿပီး ဖိအားေတြ ေပးတာမ်ဳိးေတြ လုပ္လာတယ္။ ေနာက္တခါ ေထာင္ထဲ မွာလည္း သံဃာေတာ္ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး က်န္ပါေသးတယ္။ အခုဆိုရင္ ေထာင္ထဲမွာ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြ အပါး ၆၀-၇၀ ေလာက္ ရွိေနေသးတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕သံဃာေတြကို ဘာသာေရး ပုဒ္မေတြနဲ႔၊ သာသနာညႇိဳးႏြမ္း ဆိုၿပီး ဖမ္းၿပီး ဥပေဒေတြ ထုတ္ၿပီး ထည့္ထားတဲ့ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။”
အစီရင္ခံစာထဲမွာေတာ့ ဘာသာေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ တိုးတက္ လာတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြကိုလည္း ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ စီတန္း လွည့္လည္ဆႏၵျပႏိုင္တဲ့ ဥပေဒကို ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာအတြင္း လြႊတ္ေတာ္ကေန အတည္ျပဳ ျပဌာန္း လိုက္တာကို ခ်ီးက်ဴး ထားပါတယ္။ အရင္တုန္းက ခရစ္ယာန္ဘုရားေက်ာင္းအခ်ိဳ႕ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး ပိတ္ပင္ခံရမႈအခ်ဳိ႕ကို သာသနာေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ေျဖေလ်ာ့ေပးလာတာေတြရိွသလို ႏိုင္ငံအ၀ွမ္းမွာ မတူညီတဲ့ ဘာသာ အယူအဆေတြအၾကား ဆက္စပ္ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြ လုပ္ေပးတာေတြရိွတယ္လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။
Source : VOA Burmese
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Suzan Johnson Cook
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom
Washington, DCInternational Religious Freedom Report for 2011
Burma
Muslims across the country, as well as ethnic Chinese and Indians, often were required to obtain permission from township authorities to leave their home towns. Authorities often denied Rohingya and other Muslims living in Rakhine State permission to travel for any purpose; however, permission was sometimes obtained through bribery. Muslims in other regions were granted more freedom to travel, but still faced restrictions. For example, Rohingyas living in Rangoon needed permission from immigration authorities to travel into and out of Rakhine State.
Muslims in Rakhine State, particularly those of the Rohingya minority group, continued to experience the severest forms of legal, economic, educational, and social discrimination. There were reports that Buddhist physicians would not provide Muslims the endorsement required by the Ministry of Health that permits Muslims to travel outside Rakhine State to seek advanced medical treatment.
The government denied citizenship status to Rohingyas, claiming that their ancestors did not reside in the country at the start of British colonial rule, as the 1982 citizenship law required. The Rohingyas asserted that their presence in the area predates the British arrival by several centuries. In November 2008 the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women urged the government to review its citizenship law. In February 2010 the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar visited the country and noted discrimination against Muslims. Many of the approximately 28,500 Rohingya Muslims registered in two refugee camps in Bangladesh and the estimated 200,000 Rohingya Muslims living outside those camps, also in Bangladesh, refused to return to the country because they feared human rights abuses, including religious persecution.
Essentially treated as illegal foreigners, Rohingyas were not issued Foreigner Registration Cards (FRCs). Since they also were not generally eligible for NRCs, Rohingyas have been commonly referred to as “stateless.” In the run-up to national elections in November 2010, the government issued Temporary Registration Cards (TRCs) to residents in northern Rakhine State; the majority of them are Rohingyas. The issuance of TRCs was primarily done, it appears, to allow Rohingyas participation in the elections. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) worked with approximately 750,000 residents of Rakhine State who did not hold citizenship in the country. At the end of the reporting period, the UNHCR (quoting government estimates) indicated that 85 percent of eligible residents (637,500 stateless persons) over the age of 10 possessed TRCs. The UNHCR noted that according to information from individuals in northern Rakhine State, many individuals issued TRCs were actually only given a TRC number and no document. The UNHCR also assisted Rohingyas with education, health, infrastructure, water and sanitation, and agriculture.
Without citizenship status Rohingyas did not have access to secondary education in state-run schools. Those Muslim students from Rakhine State who completed high school were not permitted to travel outside the state to attend college or university. Authorities continued to bar Muslim university students who did not possess NRCs from graduating. These students were permitted to attend classes and sit for examinations, but they could not receive diplomas unless they claimed a “foreign” ethnic minority affiliation. Rohingyas also were unable to obtain employment in any civil service positions. Rohingya couples needed also to obtain government permission to marry and faced restrictions on the number of children they could have. Muslim newcomers were not allowed to buy property or reside in Thandwe, Rakhine State, and authorities prevented Muslims from living in the state’s Gwa or Taungup areas.
The government allowed members of all religious groups to establish and maintain links with coreligionists in other countries and to travel abroad for religious purposes. These links were subject to restrictive passport and visa issuance practices, foreign exchange controls, and government monitoring, which extended to all international activities by all citizens regardless of religion. The government sometimes expedited its burdensome passport issuance procedures during the year for Muslims making the Hajj or for Buddhists going on pilgrimage to Bodhgaya, India. Although approximately 500 Muslims from Burma participated in the Hajj during the year, there were allegations of corruption in the Ministry of Religious Affairs’ expedited process. An estimated 2,000 Buddhists from the country made pilgrimages to Bodhgaya.
Download full Report here
Jun 29 2012
McConnell Applauds Confirmation of Derek Mitchell as Ambassador to Burma
Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell issued the following statement Friday after the Senate confirmed the nomination of Derek Mitchell as ambassador to Burma:
“I congratulate Derek Mitchell on his confirmation as our ambassador to Burma. He has done an excellent job in his current role as Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma; his experience will serve us well in the region as he builds on the strong foundation established by Michael Thurston and our embassy team in Rangoon."
Background: Senator McConnell traveled to Burma from January 15-17 of this year. During the visit, he met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Burmese government officials, recently released political prisoners and U.S. Embassy personnel. The Senator discussed political reform, bilateral relations and regional security issues with Suu Kyi and the Burmese leaders. For nearly 20 years, Sen. McConnell has been a strong advocate for political reform, reconciliation and democracy in Burma. Every year since 2003, Senator McConnell, along with Sen. Dianne Feinstein, has introduced and helped enact legislation placing sanctions on the Burmese government. He also consistently called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
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| U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor MichaelPosner discusses the 2011 Human Rights Report on LiveAtState |
By AP News Jun 29, 2012
WASHINGTON (AP) — The United States is calling on both Burma and neighboring Bangladesh to help the victims of recent communal violence in western Burma that left scores dead and thousands displaced.
Assistant secretary of state for human rights and democracy, Michael Posner, said Thursday the governments of both countries were obligated “to ameliorate this very challenging situation.”
Bangladesh has turned back more than 2,000 ethnic Rohingyas this month who tried to enter the country after clashes between Rohingyas and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in Burma.
Posner said the U.S. has urged Bangladesh to open its borders in accordance with its international obligations under a refugee convention.
He said Washington was also very concerned about 15,000 people displaced inside Burma’s Rakhine state.
Posner was responding to a question submitted during a live webcast.
WASHINGTON (AP) — The United States is calling on both Burma and neighboring Bangladesh to help the victims of recent communal violence in western Burma that left scores dead and thousands displaced.
Assistant secretary of state for human rights and democracy, Michael Posner, said Thursday the governments of both countries were obligated “to ameliorate this very challenging situation.”
Bangladesh has turned back more than 2,000 ethnic Rohingyas this month who tried to enter the country after clashes between Rohingyas and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in Burma.
Posner said the U.S. has urged Bangladesh to open its borders in accordance with its international obligations under a refugee convention.
He said Washington was also very concerned about 15,000 people displaced inside Burma’s Rakhine state.
Posner was responding to a question submitted during a live webcast.
Source : AP
Victoria Nuland
Spokesperson
Daily Press Briefing
Washington, DC
June 13, 2012
QUESTION: Just – can we get back on the issue of Burma?
MS. NULAND: Mm-hmm.
QUESTION: As we discussed yesterday, there have been a number of calls by the United States for an end to the violence, but specifically on the issue of Bangladesh, there have been some concerns about whether Bangladesh is giving access to Rohingya fleeing Burma. Is there anything that the U.S. has to say about its communication with Bangladesh on the issue?
MS. NULAND: Thanks for that, Shaun. We are concerned that Bangladeshi authorities appear to have intercepted and turned back persons fleeing the ethnic and religious violence in Burma. So we have been urging the Government of Bangladesh to respect its international obligations under the relevant refugee conventions and to continue its longstanding policy of non-refoulement of refugees. So those are points that we are making. We are also continuing to make the point to all sides in Burma that it is important to settle these issues not through violence but through dialogue, and to put down their arms and start talking to each other.
QUESTION: What was the word you used? Its longstanding policy of non-refoulement?
MS. NULAND: Refoulement. R-e-f-o-u-l-e-m-e-n-t. That’s a good Scrabble word.
QUESTION: What’s the level of communication with the Bangladeshis? Has it been through the Embassy in Dhaka or --
MS. NULAND: Yes. And I believe that we’ve also had communication from this building as well.
QUESTION: Is – this issue has come up now upstairs with the Indian foreign minister as far as situation in Burma is concerned?
MS. NULAND: They did talk about Burma and they did talk about the ethnic issues and the Rohingya issues when the Secretary had her brief meeting with Foreign Minister Krishna before starting the broader Security Dialogue.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesperson
June 11, 2012
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY CLINTON
Violence in Burma’s Rakhine State
The United States continues to be deeply concerned about reports of ongoing ethnic and sectarian violence in western Burma’s Rakhine State and urges all parties to exercise restraint and immediately halt all attacks. The Burmese Government has announced a State of Emergency and curfews in Rakhine State, but reports of violence continue.
We join others in the international community and call on authorities to work with local leaders—together with Muslim, Buddhist, and ethnic representatives, including Rohingya—to halt the ongoing violence, begin a dialogue toward a peaceful resolution, and ensure an expeditious and transparent investigation into these incidents that respects due process and the rule of law.
The United States has welcomed Burma’s recent reform efforts and the important steps President Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, and other leaders inside and outside of government have taken. The situation in Rakhine State underscores the critical need for mutual respect among all ethnic and religious groups and for serious efforts to achieve national reconciliation in Burma. We urge the people of Burma to work together toward a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic country that respects the rights of all its diverse peoples.
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XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXClinton voices deep concern on Myanmar sectarian unrest
(Reuters) - Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has voiced deep concern over sectarian violence in Myanmar, unrest that threatens to endanger democratic and economic reforms in the country after decades of military-ruled isolation.
Clinton and the European Union, which both recently suspended economic sanctions against Myanmar to recognize and encourage its transition to democracy, have appealed to the nation's rulers to calm the situation and bring reconciliation.
Tensions between Buddhists and Muslim Rohingyas, a stateless people, turned violent in Myanmar's northwest over the past week, after the gang rape and murder of a Buddhist woman, widely blamed on Muslims, sparked bloody reprisals.
"The situation in Rakhine state underscores the critical need for mutual respect among all ethnic and religious groups and for serious efforts to achieve national reconciliation in Burma," Clinton said in a statement on Monday.
"We urge the people of Burma to work together toward a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic country that respects the rights of all its diverse peoples."
At the weekend, mobs of Muslims and Buddhists torched houses in Sittwe, the biggest town in Myanmar's western Rakhine State. Hundreds of Rohingyas boarded boats to try to flee into neighboring Bangladesh but many were turned back.
It is the worst communal violence since a reformist government replaced a junta last year, began to allow political pluralism and vowed to tackle ethnic divisions.
The European Union said on Monday it was satisfied with the "measured" handling of the violence so far by Myanmar President Thein Sein, who has said the unrest could jeopardize the transition to democracy if allowed to spiral out of control.
"We believe that the security forces are handling this difficult intercommunal violence in an appropriate way," said Maja Kocijanic, spokeswoman for EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton. "We welcome the priority which the Myanmar government is giving to dealing with all ethnic conflicts."
RIGHTS GROUP CRITICISES GOVT
However, U.S.-based Human Rights Watch criticized Thein Sein's handling of the violence, saying he had effectively ceded control of the situation to the army and that troops had opened fire on Rohingyas since the unrest erupted in Rakhine State, also known by its former name Arakan.
"Deadly violence in Arakan State is spiraling out of control under the government's watch," Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement on Tuesday.
The group urged the government to allow international journalists, aid workers and diplomats into the area.
"Opening the area to independent international observers would put all sides on notice that they were being closely watched," Pearson added.
EU states suspended most sanctions against Myanmar after it released many political prisoners, allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy to contest by-elections, and lifted some repressive measures.
They had previously frozen the assets of nearly 1,000 companies and institutions, and banned almost 500 people from entering the bloc.
The United States, which had imposed more stringent and comprehensive sanctions against Myanmar, has also suspended curbs on U.S. investment and the provision of financial services in response to changes in the country.
At least eight people were killed and many wounded, authorities said, after fighting erupted on Friday in the town of Maungdaw, and quickly spread to Sittwe and nearby villages.
Sate-run MRTV announced curfews in three towns, including Thandwe, the gateway to Myanmar's tourist beaches, and Kyaukphyu, where China is building a port complex. The curfews underline the risk to Myanmar's attempts to encourage tourism and foreign investment back into the country.
The United Nations said it had started evacuating staff from the area.
INVESTMENT NEED
Western firms are keen to help meet Myanmar's vast need for investment in health, telecommunications, housing, energy and other infrastructure after decades of isolation.
The country also has large untapped resources of oil and natural gas and the potential to be a major exporter of rice and wood. Moreover, Myanmar neighbors the world's two biggest emerging markets, China and India.
Buddhists and Muslims have long lived in uneasy proximity in Sittwe, where ethnic Rakhine Buddhists were carrying bamboo stakes, machetes, slingshots and other makeshift weapons at the weekend after Muslims were seen setting houses on fire.
Rohingyas live in abject conditions along Myanmar's border with Bangladesh and are despised by many Rakhine, who belong to the predominantly Buddhist majority.
About 100 Rohingyas tried to flee by boat into Bangladesh but were pushed back on Monday, Bangladesh's border guard said.
Five boats carrying about 200 Rohingyas were pushed back out to sea on Sunday, said Anwar Hossain, a major with the guard.
Rohingya activists have long demanded recognition in Myanmar as an indigenous ethnic group with full citizenship by birthright, claiming a centuries-old lineage in Rakhine State, where they number some 800,000.
But the government regards them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and denies them citizenship. Bangladesh has refused to grant Rohingyas refugee status since 1992.
The authorities have blamed Rohingya mobs for the violence. But Rohingya activists and residents accuse ethnic Rakhine of terrorizing their communities.
State media said three men had gone on trial on Friday for the rape and murder.
(Reporting by Reuters in Sittwe, Nurul Islam in Bangladesh and Sebastian Moffett in Brussels. Writing by Andrew R.C. Marshall and Sebastian Moffett.; Editing by Jason Szep and Mark Bendeich)
QUESTION: Sure. Just briefly, there’s been some violence in Burma, Myanmar, regarding the Muslim minority. Do you have anything to say about the violence itself or more broadly about the treatment of the Rohingya minority in Burma?
MS. NULAND: We are deeply concerned about the reports that a mob killed 10 individuals, Muslim pilgrims, pulling them from a bus and beating them to death near the border of Rohingya state and Bago division in Burma on June 3rd. We are obviously saddened by this tragic loss of life. I think it speaks to the importance of the government and the minorities redoubling efforts on a peace process that includes ceasefire and real negotiations.
Victoria Nuland
Spokesperson
Daily Press Briefing
Washington, DC
June 8, 2012
MS. NULAND: We are deeply concerned about the reports that a mob killed 10 individuals, Muslim pilgrims, pulling them from a bus and beating them to death near the border of Rohingya state and Bago division in Burma on June 3rd. We are obviously saddened by this tragic loss of life. I think it speaks to the importance of the government and the minorities redoubling efforts on a peace process that includes ceasefire and real negotiations.
Victoria Nuland
Spokesperson
Daily Press Briefing
Washington, DC
June 8, 2012
The U.S. Department of State is pleased to announce that Ales Byalyatski of Belarus and Uganda’s Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights and Constitutional Law are the joint winners of the 2011 Human Rights Defenders Award. This award recognizes individuals or non-governmental organizations that show exceptional valor and leadership in advocating the protection of human rights and democracy in the face of government repression.
Ales Byalyatski has bravely advocated on behalf of victims of political oppression and their families despite harassment by the Government of Belarus. As the founder of “Vyasna,” one of Belarus’ leading human rights organizations, Byalyatski provided legal and practical support to victims of an on-going crackdown and acted as a key source of information about human rights violations. He is currently a political prisoner, serving a four and a half year sentence for defending human rights.
Uganda’s Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights and Constitutional Law is honored for effectively defending the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals, often at great personal risk. The Coalition, which is comprised of 40 Ugandan NGOs, has successfully defended the rights of LGBT individuals in Ugandan courts, sparked public dialogue on LGBT rights in Uganda, and challenged widespread misperceptions and prejudices. The Coalition’s structure, effectiveness, and engagement with Ugandan civil society, government officials, and the Ugandan public provides a model for other human rights activists around the world.
This year’s nominees came from every corner of the world. Common World and the Little Bird Mutual Assistance Hotline in China, as well as the Mutual Support Group and the Center for Legal Action in Human Rights, from Guatemala were nominated organizations, as were an impressive group of individual nominees: Jorge Molano of Colombia, Adilur Rahman Khan from Bangladesh, George Freeman from Sierra Leone, Govinda Prasad Sharma Koirala of Nepal, Swaziland’s Justice Thomas Masuku, Igor Kalyapin from Russia, Zarganar from Burma, and Zaw Min Htut, a Rohingya rights activist living in Japan.
The United States stands with these and all human rights defenders and civil society activists who work hard every day, in every part of the world, to make real the promise of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Ales Byalyatski has bravely advocated on behalf of victims of political oppression and their families despite harassment by the Government of Belarus. As the founder of “Vyasna,” one of Belarus’ leading human rights organizations, Byalyatski provided legal and practical support to victims of an on-going crackdown and acted as a key source of information about human rights violations. He is currently a political prisoner, serving a four and a half year sentence for defending human rights.
Uganda’s Civil Society Coalition on Human Rights and Constitutional Law is honored for effectively defending the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals, often at great personal risk. The Coalition, which is comprised of 40 Ugandan NGOs, has successfully defended the rights of LGBT individuals in Ugandan courts, sparked public dialogue on LGBT rights in Uganda, and challenged widespread misperceptions and prejudices. The Coalition’s structure, effectiveness, and engagement with Ugandan civil society, government officials, and the Ugandan public provides a model for other human rights activists around the world.
This year’s nominees came from every corner of the world. Common World and the Little Bird Mutual Assistance Hotline in China, as well as the Mutual Support Group and the Center for Legal Action in Human Rights, from Guatemala were nominated organizations, as were an impressive group of individual nominees: Jorge Molano of Colombia, Adilur Rahman Khan from Bangladesh, George Freeman from Sierra Leone, Govinda Prasad Sharma Koirala of Nepal, Swaziland’s Justice Thomas Masuku, Igor Kalyapin from Russia, Zarganar from Burma, and Zaw Min Htut, a Rohingya rights activist living in Japan.
The United States stands with these and all human rights defenders and civil society activists who work hard every day, in every part of the world, to make real the promise of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Testimony
Kurt M. Campbell
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Statement Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
Washington, DC
April 25, 2012
Introduction Mr. Chairman, Mr. Faleomavaega, and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you very much for inviting me here today to testify about U.S. policy toward Burma and the remarkable developments that have been unfolding in the country. Many Members of this Committee and in the Congress have been key proponents of human rights and democracy in Burma over the past two decades, and I am sure you all are following events with as much hope and interest as we do at the State Department.
I last testified before the Committee on Burma in late 2009, just as we embarked on a new policy of principled engagement. Between 2009 and mid-2011, I was the first to acknowledge that engagement with Burma was a profound disappointment. We expected that it would be a long and slow process but the apparent failure to make progress was nevertheless disheartening.
As some have said, “That was then, this is now.” Following the formation of a new government in March 2011, positive changes have emerged ranging from the release of political prisoners, to new legislation expanding the rights of political and civic association, and a nascent process toward ceasefires with several ethnic armed groups. Secretary Clinton has become actively involved, including her historic visit to Burma in December 2011, where she met senior Burmese government officials including President Thein Sein and opposition democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been an inspiration to many around the world, including the Secretary, for her steadfast efforts to bring a more free and prosperous life to her people. She also met with a variety of civil society and ethnic minority representatives.
Because of the President Obama’s and Secretary Clinton’s far-sighted leadership and the hard work of our first Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma, Ambassador Derek Mitchell, the Burmese government has engaged with the United States in candid and constructive exchanges, leading toward concrete progress on our core concerns over the past nine months.
In both its words and actions, Burmese officials have demonstrated increasing signs of interest in political, economic, and social development, and national reconciliation. Although we assess this nascent opening as real and significant, we also believe it is fragile and reversible – as Secretary Clinton said on April 4, “the future in Burma is neither clear nor certain” —and therefore, we need to carefully calibrate our approach to encourage continued progress. Additionally, the impact of Burma’s reform efforts has not extended far beyond the capital and major cities. This is particularly true in ethnic minority areas: Fighting continues in Kachin State, coupled with reports of severe human rights violations. In Rakhine State systematic discrimination and denial of human rights against ethnic Rohingya remains deplorable. Overall, the legacy of five decades of military rule --repressive laws, a pervasive security apparatus, a corrupt judiciary, and media censorship -- is still all too present.
The initial reforms are only the beginning of a sustained process and commitment required to bring Burma back into the international community and toward more representative and responsive democratic governance.
Political Reforms
The election of Aung San Suu Kyi and 42 other NLD members is the most recent and dramatic example of the political opening underway in Burma, a culmination of several reforms that together constitute an important step in the country’s democratization and national reconciliation process.
Overall, the NLD won 43 of the 44 seats it contested, losing one seat to the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party. Though contesting in all 45 constituencies, the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party won only a single seat. Less than 7 percent of all seats in Burma’s bicameral legislature were at stake, but the participation and victory of the NLD could give Aung San Suu Kyi a role and voice in government for the first time in the country’s history. The new parliament convened on Monday, April 23, but NLD members including Aung San Suu Kyi have not yet taken their seats due to concerns about the Parliamentary oath. We hope the government and the NLD will work toward a mutually satisfactory resolution of this issue soon to enable the NLD to take their newly won seats and begin this new era in Burma’s politics.
In the run-up to the by-elections, we consistently emphasized that the results needed to be free and fair and reflect the will of the Burmese people. We also underscored the importance of an inclusive and open electoral process from the campaign phase to the announcement of results. While not perfect, the by-elections were a significant step forward in comparison to the 2010 elections, which we and others in the international community strongly condemned as neither free nor fair. In advance of the by-election, the Burmese government’s amendment of certain election-related laws enabled the NLD, which authorities had dissolved in 2010, to register and participate. The campaign process was more inclusive than in the past with the NLD and 16 other parties participating.
A few days before the April 1 vote, the government invited a number of international representatives and foreign media from ASEAN, ASEAN dialogue partners including the United States and the European Union, and the United Nations to witness the polling. We asked representatives from the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute to be present, and the Burmese government invited several U.S. journalists to cover the elections. Poll watchers had access to polling stations to survey the voting and the vote count. While they reported some irregularities, including questions with voter lists and security of ballot boxes, overall, the election demonstrated a smooth and peaceful voting process. In addition to the formal diplomatic observation tour coordinated by the Burmese government, authorities also permitted U.S. embassy officers and diplomatic colleagues to informally watch voting activities on election-day. The Government of Burma did not, however, establish an adequate framework and allow sufficient access for election monitoring or observation to be conducted according to international standards.
Ahead of the vote, several problematic process issues arose. Before the elections, the government cancelled polling in three constituencies in Kachin State, citing security concerns. We also monitored closely credible allegations of election-related irregularities. Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD raised concerns publically and privately about inaccurate voter registration lists, reports of irregularities with advance voting procedures, and local intimidation, including a violent attack at a campaign event in the Naypyitaw district, in which an NLD supporter was injured. We assess that these incidents, while troubling, did not appear to reflect a government-directed effort to skew the outcome of the elections. Although the by-elections marked an improvement from the 2010 elections and a step forward in Burma’s reform process, we note that much work remains to be done as we look forward toward the next general election in 2015.
In addition to the parliamentary by-elections, we are encouraged by several other notable political reforms in Burma, including progress on some of our longstanding human rights concerns. The Burmese government released over 500 political prisoners in October 2011 and January 2012 amnesties. These releases included the most prominent civic leaders and pro-democracy and ethnic minority prisoners of conscience. Many of these individuals had been imprisoned for over 20 years.
The Burmese government has also made progress toward preliminary ceasefire agreements with several ethnic armed groups including the Chin National Front (January 2012), the New Mon State Party (February 2012), the United Wa State Army (September 2011), and the Shan State Army-North (January 2012). For the first time in 63 years, the Burmese government and the Karen National Union (KNU) entered into a preliminary ceasefire agreement in January 2012, and began follow-up peace discussions the week of April 4 on a host of political issues at the heart of Burma’s longest running internal conflict. Earlier this month, KNU representatives from Thailand traveled to Rangoon and Naypyitaw for landmark meetings with President Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, and several government ministers.
These efforts to halt the fighting are important initial steps, but must be followed by genuine dialogue and negotiations to address the long standing political and economic grievances of ethnic minority populations in Burma including issues of cultural autonomy, natural resources, and power-sharing with the ethnic Burman-dominated central government. Fighting continues in Burma’s Kachin State despite periodic ceasefire talks.
The Burmese government has also pursued important legislative initiatives in support of political reform. Parliament passed and President Thein Sein has signed an International Labor Organization-endorsed labor law allowing workers to form labor unions and protecting freedom of association. The government has revised other legislation to define, prohibit, and criminalize forced labor in Burma, and authorities signed a memorandum of understanding with the International Labor Organization in March to take proactive strides to eliminate all forms of forced labor in Burma by 2015. In addition, Parliament passed and President Thein Sein signed a new law in December 2011 to protect the rights of citizens to peacefully assemble.
The Burmese government has also taken a variety of measures to relax media censorship. When I first visited Burma in 2009, I met with Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at the time. When Burma’s state media reported on my visit, it tried to erase any trace of my encounter with her. They literally airbrushed her out of published photographs of my visit. Today, Aung San Suu Kyi’s image, her political activities, and her meetings with world leaders are widely covered in local and even in state media. While most news is still subject to censorship, restrictions have been eased on television and the internet, including on exile news sites. The Burmese government has recently provided access for a range of foreign journalists for the first time including from the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia. The government has also started to host its first press conferences and engage with civil society on the topic of press and media freedoms.
Economic Reforms
In addition to the notable political reforms I have highlighted, the Burmese government is proceeding with a strong program of economic reforms. After decades of mismanagement, Burma has become the poorest country in Southeast Asia with approximately one-third of its population living in poverty.
In January, for the first time, the Burmese government agreed that International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff could publish a detailed summary of the conclusions of their 2011 Article IV consultation with the IMF. This year, the IMF consultation addresses issues and challenges facing Burma as it transitions to a more market-based economy, including needed reforms related to the exchange rate regime, trade policy, monetary policy, and fiscal policy. A summary was not only posted on the IMF web site, but was also published, in the Burmese language, in Burma’s state-owned newspaper. We have called on the Burmese authorities to release the full text of the Article IV Staff Report, and we hope that they do so.
A primary distortion in Burma’s economy has been the use of multiple exchange rates. Burma’s multiple exchange rate system is highly inefficient, limits access to foreign goods to all except well connected entities, and creates opportunities for corruption. On April 2, Burma’s Central Bank aligned the official exchange rate close to the prevailing parallel rate, an important first step reforming the exchange rate regime. The Central Bank is now posting the official daily rate on its website and allowing the exchange rate to move in line with market forces. There will be teething problems as Burma’s financial sector adjusts to this important reform, but it is a necessary first step for a broader agenda of economic reforms that we hope will improve the responsiveness of the government to the needs of the people.
In addition to exchange rate reform, the Burmese government has discussed the country’s budget in Parliament for the first time. Members of Parliament and the government discussed budget allocations and in March published an approved budget in a state-run newspaper. Budget allocations for the military remain grossly disproportionate, however, at 16.5 percent of the total budget. Allocations for health and education were 3.25 percent and 6.26 percent of the total budget, quite low by regional standards. At the same time, however, Burma reduced the relative share of its military budget in its FY 2012 budget, and allocations for health and education quadrupled and doubled respectively. Authorities have also eased some import and export requirements and drafted a new Foreign Investment Bill.
As businesses consider investing in Burma, it will be critically important to actively promote a strong corporate social responsibility ethic through active engagement with our regional and like-minded partners as well as with the Burmese government and local communities. We will also engage the Burmese government to apply non-discrimination principles and to create a “level playing field” for foreign investors. Moving forward, we believe that by addressing these investment-related concerns, the private sector, including many U.S. companies, will be able to play a positive role in contributing to justice, development, and reform in Burma.
U.S. Response
Over the past year, we have carefully responded to evidence of change in Burma with increased outreach and concrete actions. As I noted above, the President’s decision to ask Secretary Clinton to visit to Burma in late 2011 marked a turning point in our engagement policy, sending a strong signal of support to reformers both inside and outside of government, while never mincing words about our continuing concerns.
During her visit, Secretary Clinton clearly articulated our commitment to partnering with and supporting Burma on the path of reform and committed to a strategy of matching “action-for-action.” Since his appointment in August 2011 as the first U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma, Ambassador Derek Mitchell has played a key role in driving this effort. He has traveled to Burma, along with numerous other senior State Department officials, nearly on a monthly basis, engaging officials in Naypyitaw and consulting with key leaders of civil society, including Aung San Suu Kyi, ethnic minority groups, and the pro-democracy opposition to further catalyze concrete action on our core concerns.
The actions we have undertaken thus far have been measured and meaningful. During Secretary Clinton’s visit to Burma, we announced that we would resume cooperation on counternarcotics and operations to recover missing U.S. personnel from World War II, which the Burmese government suspended in 2004. We also pledged our support for assessment missions and technical assistance by international financial institutions and pursued a temporary waiver of trafficking in persons sanctions to fulfill this commitment. Following the substantial release of over 250 political prisoners in January, we responded with an announcement regarding our intention to upgrade diplomatic ties to exchange ambassadors.
More recently, we have announced additional U.S. actions. On April 4, Secretary Clinton announced five key steps that the United States would take to respond to Burma’s parliamentary by-elections and the progress that they signified. We announced our intention to re-establish a USAID mission at our Embassy in Rangoon, lend U.S. support for a normal UNDP country program, authorize funds to be sent by private U.S. entities to Burma for nonprofit activities, facilitate travel to the United States for select Burmese officials and parliamentarians, and begin a process to ease the bans on the exportation of U.S. financial services and new investment. Since that announcement, the Treasury Department has issued a general license authorizing certain financial transactions in support of humanitarian, religious, and other not-for-profit activities in Burma, including projects for government accountability, conflict resolution, and civil society development.
In terms of easing the bans on the export of U.S. financial services and new investment for commercial activities, we plan to proceed in a careful manner. We will also work closely with the U.S. Department of the Treasury to reexamine and refresh the Specially Designated Nationals list.
We have taken important steps on the assistance front as well, which my colleague from USAID, Assistant Administrator Nisha Biswal, will address. I will say, however, that in the immediate term, the State Department has announced new activities for microfinance and health, particularly in ethnic minority areas, based on our consultations with civil society in Burma. Special Representative Mitchell launched an interagency scoping mission to Burma to assess opportunities and obstacles to Burma’s transition and to align U.S. assistance efforts in a manner that promotes the overall reform process, directly benefits the people of Burma, and alleviates poverty, particularly in Burma’s rural areas.
We continue to emphasize that much work remains to be done in Burma and that easing sanctions will remain a step-by-step process. We have pursued a carefully calibrated posture, retaining as much flexibility as possible should reforms slow or reverse, while pressing the Burmese government for further progress in key areas.
We have serious and continuing concerns with respect to human rights, democracy, and nonproliferation, and our policy continues to blend both pressure and engagement to encourage progress in all areas. While we recognized the momentous release of prisoners last January, we continue to call for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and the removal of conditions on those released. The State Department’s Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor estimates at least several hundred prisoners of conscience are still behind bars. Through an upcoming human rights dialogue, we will engage officials on developing a credible, transparent, and inclusive process to identify remaining political prisoners of conscience, seek access to prisons for international organizations, and press for the immediate release of all political prisoners unconditionally. We have also spotlighted our concerns regarding remaining political prisoners in human rights resolutions at the UN General Assembly and the UN Human Rights Council, which we have supported or co-sponsored.
In every interaction with the Burmese government, at every level, we are also urging the immediate halt to hostilities in Burma’s ethnic minority areas, particularly in Kachin State, where fighting has continued at varying levels of intensity since the ceasefire lapsed in June 2011. We have consistently urged unfettered access for United Nations and humanitarian agencies to Burma’s conflict zones. This access is crucial so that the international community can assess needs and attempt to assist tens of thousands who have been displaced as a result of the fighting. While the Burmese government has recently allowed limited access to UN agencies to deliver assistance to certain areas of Kachin State, we are pressing for regular and sustained access to all areas, including those controlled by the Kachin Independence Army, to provide humanitarian aid to internally displaced persons (IDPs). In March, the United States contributed $1.5 million in assistance to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to support IDPs in Kachin State.
We also remain concerned by serious human rights violations against the ethnic minority Rohingya people who are denied citizenship and human rights, such as freedom of movement and freedom to marry, among other rights all people should be able to exercise. We will urge the Burmese government, including through a human rights dialogue, to pursue mechanisms for accountability for the human rights violations that have occurred as a result of fighting and discrimination in ethnic areas. We will also continue to spotlight continued abuses in Burma at the United Nations and other multilateral and regional forums including ASEAN.
While we are pleased that the NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi’s pro-democracy party, has been allowed to re-register and participate in the political process, the degree to which reforms are genuine and irreversible will be reflected in the amount of political space the opposition parties will have and the amount of dissent the government will tolerate in the coming weeks and months. We will continue to monitor the democratization process carefully, including the issue concerning the parliamentary oath, and urge the Burmese government to take steps, in terms of both policy and legislative reform, to promote greater civic openness and support for a vibrant civil society and more free media.
Much more needs to be done on the legal and institutional front for the government to definitively break with its legacy of the past. Dozens of oppressive, arbitrary, and unfair laws used to convict political prisoners remain on the books and new laws need to be effectively implemented to make a true difference in the lives of the people.
In addition to continuing human rights and democracy concerns, we remain troubled by Burma’s military trade with North Korea. This is a top national security priority, and we will continue to press the government on this issue. We are collaborating closely with the EU, ASEAN, and other key regional partners including South Korea, Japan, and Australia to stress to Burma the importance of full compliance with UN Security Council Resolutions 1718 and 1874 and to underscore to senior Burmese officials the seriousness of this matter and its potential to impede progress in improving our bilateral ties.
We will also continue to urge the Burmese government for greater transparency on nonproliferation. We were encouraged by public assurances from senior officials, such as Lower House Speaker of Parliament Thura Shwe Mann in January 2012, that Burma has no intention of pursuing a nuclear weapons program and is committed to full compliance of all its international nonproliferation obligations. We have encouraged the Government of Burma to signal its commitment through concrete actions such as signing and ratifying the IAEA Additional Protocol, updating its Small Quantities Protocol and improving cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Conclusion
As we look forward, there is a great store of goodwill within the international community to re-engage Burma, re-build its capacity, and re-connect with the Burmese people, should the reform process continue. Though the challenges that lie ahead are daunting, the efforts of the resilient and diverse people of Burma are as inspiring as ever.
Let me finally take a moment to acknowledge the leadership of Congress in promoting change in Burma. So many members of Congress have demonstrated consistent and personal commitment over many years to democratic reform, human rights, and the welfare of the Burmese people – and many of you have traveled to the region in recent months to see for yourselves conditions on the ground and meet with the reformers themselves. We are grateful for your efforts, and we look forward to consulting closely with you as we continue to support a brighter future for Burma.
I am happy to answer any questions you may have.
I last testified before the Committee on Burma in late 2009, just as we embarked on a new policy of principled engagement. Between 2009 and mid-2011, I was the first to acknowledge that engagement with Burma was a profound disappointment. We expected that it would be a long and slow process but the apparent failure to make progress was nevertheless disheartening.
As some have said, “That was then, this is now.” Following the formation of a new government in March 2011, positive changes have emerged ranging from the release of political prisoners, to new legislation expanding the rights of political and civic association, and a nascent process toward ceasefires with several ethnic armed groups. Secretary Clinton has become actively involved, including her historic visit to Burma in December 2011, where she met senior Burmese government officials including President Thein Sein and opposition democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been an inspiration to many around the world, including the Secretary, for her steadfast efforts to bring a more free and prosperous life to her people. She also met with a variety of civil society and ethnic minority representatives.
Because of the President Obama’s and Secretary Clinton’s far-sighted leadership and the hard work of our first Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma, Ambassador Derek Mitchell, the Burmese government has engaged with the United States in candid and constructive exchanges, leading toward concrete progress on our core concerns over the past nine months.
In both its words and actions, Burmese officials have demonstrated increasing signs of interest in political, economic, and social development, and national reconciliation. Although we assess this nascent opening as real and significant, we also believe it is fragile and reversible – as Secretary Clinton said on April 4, “the future in Burma is neither clear nor certain” —and therefore, we need to carefully calibrate our approach to encourage continued progress. Additionally, the impact of Burma’s reform efforts has not extended far beyond the capital and major cities. This is particularly true in ethnic minority areas: Fighting continues in Kachin State, coupled with reports of severe human rights violations. In Rakhine State systematic discrimination and denial of human rights against ethnic Rohingya remains deplorable. Overall, the legacy of five decades of military rule --repressive laws, a pervasive security apparatus, a corrupt judiciary, and media censorship -- is still all too present.
The initial reforms are only the beginning of a sustained process and commitment required to bring Burma back into the international community and toward more representative and responsive democratic governance.
Political Reforms
The election of Aung San Suu Kyi and 42 other NLD members is the most recent and dramatic example of the political opening underway in Burma, a culmination of several reforms that together constitute an important step in the country’s democratization and national reconciliation process.
Overall, the NLD won 43 of the 44 seats it contested, losing one seat to the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party. Though contesting in all 45 constituencies, the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party won only a single seat. Less than 7 percent of all seats in Burma’s bicameral legislature were at stake, but the participation and victory of the NLD could give Aung San Suu Kyi a role and voice in government for the first time in the country’s history. The new parliament convened on Monday, April 23, but NLD members including Aung San Suu Kyi have not yet taken their seats due to concerns about the Parliamentary oath. We hope the government and the NLD will work toward a mutually satisfactory resolution of this issue soon to enable the NLD to take their newly won seats and begin this new era in Burma’s politics.
In the run-up to the by-elections, we consistently emphasized that the results needed to be free and fair and reflect the will of the Burmese people. We also underscored the importance of an inclusive and open electoral process from the campaign phase to the announcement of results. While not perfect, the by-elections were a significant step forward in comparison to the 2010 elections, which we and others in the international community strongly condemned as neither free nor fair. In advance of the by-election, the Burmese government’s amendment of certain election-related laws enabled the NLD, which authorities had dissolved in 2010, to register and participate. The campaign process was more inclusive than in the past with the NLD and 16 other parties participating.
A few days before the April 1 vote, the government invited a number of international representatives and foreign media from ASEAN, ASEAN dialogue partners including the United States and the European Union, and the United Nations to witness the polling. We asked representatives from the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute to be present, and the Burmese government invited several U.S. journalists to cover the elections. Poll watchers had access to polling stations to survey the voting and the vote count. While they reported some irregularities, including questions with voter lists and security of ballot boxes, overall, the election demonstrated a smooth and peaceful voting process. In addition to the formal diplomatic observation tour coordinated by the Burmese government, authorities also permitted U.S. embassy officers and diplomatic colleagues to informally watch voting activities on election-day. The Government of Burma did not, however, establish an adequate framework and allow sufficient access for election monitoring or observation to be conducted according to international standards.
Ahead of the vote, several problematic process issues arose. Before the elections, the government cancelled polling in three constituencies in Kachin State, citing security concerns. We also monitored closely credible allegations of election-related irregularities. Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD raised concerns publically and privately about inaccurate voter registration lists, reports of irregularities with advance voting procedures, and local intimidation, including a violent attack at a campaign event in the Naypyitaw district, in which an NLD supporter was injured. We assess that these incidents, while troubling, did not appear to reflect a government-directed effort to skew the outcome of the elections. Although the by-elections marked an improvement from the 2010 elections and a step forward in Burma’s reform process, we note that much work remains to be done as we look forward toward the next general election in 2015.
In addition to the parliamentary by-elections, we are encouraged by several other notable political reforms in Burma, including progress on some of our longstanding human rights concerns. The Burmese government released over 500 political prisoners in October 2011 and January 2012 amnesties. These releases included the most prominent civic leaders and pro-democracy and ethnic minority prisoners of conscience. Many of these individuals had been imprisoned for over 20 years.
The Burmese government has also made progress toward preliminary ceasefire agreements with several ethnic armed groups including the Chin National Front (January 2012), the New Mon State Party (February 2012), the United Wa State Army (September 2011), and the Shan State Army-North (January 2012). For the first time in 63 years, the Burmese government and the Karen National Union (KNU) entered into a preliminary ceasefire agreement in January 2012, and began follow-up peace discussions the week of April 4 on a host of political issues at the heart of Burma’s longest running internal conflict. Earlier this month, KNU representatives from Thailand traveled to Rangoon and Naypyitaw for landmark meetings with President Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, and several government ministers.
These efforts to halt the fighting are important initial steps, but must be followed by genuine dialogue and negotiations to address the long standing political and economic grievances of ethnic minority populations in Burma including issues of cultural autonomy, natural resources, and power-sharing with the ethnic Burman-dominated central government. Fighting continues in Burma’s Kachin State despite periodic ceasefire talks.
The Burmese government has also pursued important legislative initiatives in support of political reform. Parliament passed and President Thein Sein has signed an International Labor Organization-endorsed labor law allowing workers to form labor unions and protecting freedom of association. The government has revised other legislation to define, prohibit, and criminalize forced labor in Burma, and authorities signed a memorandum of understanding with the International Labor Organization in March to take proactive strides to eliminate all forms of forced labor in Burma by 2015. In addition, Parliament passed and President Thein Sein signed a new law in December 2011 to protect the rights of citizens to peacefully assemble.
The Burmese government has also taken a variety of measures to relax media censorship. When I first visited Burma in 2009, I met with Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at the time. When Burma’s state media reported on my visit, it tried to erase any trace of my encounter with her. They literally airbrushed her out of published photographs of my visit. Today, Aung San Suu Kyi’s image, her political activities, and her meetings with world leaders are widely covered in local and even in state media. While most news is still subject to censorship, restrictions have been eased on television and the internet, including on exile news sites. The Burmese government has recently provided access for a range of foreign journalists for the first time including from the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia. The government has also started to host its first press conferences and engage with civil society on the topic of press and media freedoms.
Economic Reforms
In addition to the notable political reforms I have highlighted, the Burmese government is proceeding with a strong program of economic reforms. After decades of mismanagement, Burma has become the poorest country in Southeast Asia with approximately one-third of its population living in poverty.
In January, for the first time, the Burmese government agreed that International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff could publish a detailed summary of the conclusions of their 2011 Article IV consultation with the IMF. This year, the IMF consultation addresses issues and challenges facing Burma as it transitions to a more market-based economy, including needed reforms related to the exchange rate regime, trade policy, monetary policy, and fiscal policy. A summary was not only posted on the IMF web site, but was also published, in the Burmese language, in Burma’s state-owned newspaper. We have called on the Burmese authorities to release the full text of the Article IV Staff Report, and we hope that they do so.
A primary distortion in Burma’s economy has been the use of multiple exchange rates. Burma’s multiple exchange rate system is highly inefficient, limits access to foreign goods to all except well connected entities, and creates opportunities for corruption. On April 2, Burma’s Central Bank aligned the official exchange rate close to the prevailing parallel rate, an important first step reforming the exchange rate regime. The Central Bank is now posting the official daily rate on its website and allowing the exchange rate to move in line with market forces. There will be teething problems as Burma’s financial sector adjusts to this important reform, but it is a necessary first step for a broader agenda of economic reforms that we hope will improve the responsiveness of the government to the needs of the people.
In addition to exchange rate reform, the Burmese government has discussed the country’s budget in Parliament for the first time. Members of Parliament and the government discussed budget allocations and in March published an approved budget in a state-run newspaper. Budget allocations for the military remain grossly disproportionate, however, at 16.5 percent of the total budget. Allocations for health and education were 3.25 percent and 6.26 percent of the total budget, quite low by regional standards. At the same time, however, Burma reduced the relative share of its military budget in its FY 2012 budget, and allocations for health and education quadrupled and doubled respectively. Authorities have also eased some import and export requirements and drafted a new Foreign Investment Bill.
As businesses consider investing in Burma, it will be critically important to actively promote a strong corporate social responsibility ethic through active engagement with our regional and like-minded partners as well as with the Burmese government and local communities. We will also engage the Burmese government to apply non-discrimination principles and to create a “level playing field” for foreign investors. Moving forward, we believe that by addressing these investment-related concerns, the private sector, including many U.S. companies, will be able to play a positive role in contributing to justice, development, and reform in Burma.
U.S. Response
Over the past year, we have carefully responded to evidence of change in Burma with increased outreach and concrete actions. As I noted above, the President’s decision to ask Secretary Clinton to visit to Burma in late 2011 marked a turning point in our engagement policy, sending a strong signal of support to reformers both inside and outside of government, while never mincing words about our continuing concerns.
During her visit, Secretary Clinton clearly articulated our commitment to partnering with and supporting Burma on the path of reform and committed to a strategy of matching “action-for-action.” Since his appointment in August 2011 as the first U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma, Ambassador Derek Mitchell has played a key role in driving this effort. He has traveled to Burma, along with numerous other senior State Department officials, nearly on a monthly basis, engaging officials in Naypyitaw and consulting with key leaders of civil society, including Aung San Suu Kyi, ethnic minority groups, and the pro-democracy opposition to further catalyze concrete action on our core concerns.
The actions we have undertaken thus far have been measured and meaningful. During Secretary Clinton’s visit to Burma, we announced that we would resume cooperation on counternarcotics and operations to recover missing U.S. personnel from World War II, which the Burmese government suspended in 2004. We also pledged our support for assessment missions and technical assistance by international financial institutions and pursued a temporary waiver of trafficking in persons sanctions to fulfill this commitment. Following the substantial release of over 250 political prisoners in January, we responded with an announcement regarding our intention to upgrade diplomatic ties to exchange ambassadors.
More recently, we have announced additional U.S. actions. On April 4, Secretary Clinton announced five key steps that the United States would take to respond to Burma’s parliamentary by-elections and the progress that they signified. We announced our intention to re-establish a USAID mission at our Embassy in Rangoon, lend U.S. support for a normal UNDP country program, authorize funds to be sent by private U.S. entities to Burma for nonprofit activities, facilitate travel to the United States for select Burmese officials and parliamentarians, and begin a process to ease the bans on the exportation of U.S. financial services and new investment. Since that announcement, the Treasury Department has issued a general license authorizing certain financial transactions in support of humanitarian, religious, and other not-for-profit activities in Burma, including projects for government accountability, conflict resolution, and civil society development.
In terms of easing the bans on the export of U.S. financial services and new investment for commercial activities, we plan to proceed in a careful manner. We will also work closely with the U.S. Department of the Treasury to reexamine and refresh the Specially Designated Nationals list.
We have taken important steps on the assistance front as well, which my colleague from USAID, Assistant Administrator Nisha Biswal, will address. I will say, however, that in the immediate term, the State Department has announced new activities for microfinance and health, particularly in ethnic minority areas, based on our consultations with civil society in Burma. Special Representative Mitchell launched an interagency scoping mission to Burma to assess opportunities and obstacles to Burma’s transition and to align U.S. assistance efforts in a manner that promotes the overall reform process, directly benefits the people of Burma, and alleviates poverty, particularly in Burma’s rural areas.
We continue to emphasize that much work remains to be done in Burma and that easing sanctions will remain a step-by-step process. We have pursued a carefully calibrated posture, retaining as much flexibility as possible should reforms slow or reverse, while pressing the Burmese government for further progress in key areas.
We have serious and continuing concerns with respect to human rights, democracy, and nonproliferation, and our policy continues to blend both pressure and engagement to encourage progress in all areas. While we recognized the momentous release of prisoners last January, we continue to call for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and the removal of conditions on those released. The State Department’s Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor estimates at least several hundred prisoners of conscience are still behind bars. Through an upcoming human rights dialogue, we will engage officials on developing a credible, transparent, and inclusive process to identify remaining political prisoners of conscience, seek access to prisons for international organizations, and press for the immediate release of all political prisoners unconditionally. We have also spotlighted our concerns regarding remaining political prisoners in human rights resolutions at the UN General Assembly and the UN Human Rights Council, which we have supported or co-sponsored.
In every interaction with the Burmese government, at every level, we are also urging the immediate halt to hostilities in Burma’s ethnic minority areas, particularly in Kachin State, where fighting has continued at varying levels of intensity since the ceasefire lapsed in June 2011. We have consistently urged unfettered access for United Nations and humanitarian agencies to Burma’s conflict zones. This access is crucial so that the international community can assess needs and attempt to assist tens of thousands who have been displaced as a result of the fighting. While the Burmese government has recently allowed limited access to UN agencies to deliver assistance to certain areas of Kachin State, we are pressing for regular and sustained access to all areas, including those controlled by the Kachin Independence Army, to provide humanitarian aid to internally displaced persons (IDPs). In March, the United States contributed $1.5 million in assistance to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to support IDPs in Kachin State.
We also remain concerned by serious human rights violations against the ethnic minority Rohingya people who are denied citizenship and human rights, such as freedom of movement and freedom to marry, among other rights all people should be able to exercise. We will urge the Burmese government, including through a human rights dialogue, to pursue mechanisms for accountability for the human rights violations that have occurred as a result of fighting and discrimination in ethnic areas. We will also continue to spotlight continued abuses in Burma at the United Nations and other multilateral and regional forums including ASEAN.
While we are pleased that the NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi’s pro-democracy party, has been allowed to re-register and participate in the political process, the degree to which reforms are genuine and irreversible will be reflected in the amount of political space the opposition parties will have and the amount of dissent the government will tolerate in the coming weeks and months. We will continue to monitor the democratization process carefully, including the issue concerning the parliamentary oath, and urge the Burmese government to take steps, in terms of both policy and legislative reform, to promote greater civic openness and support for a vibrant civil society and more free media.
Much more needs to be done on the legal and institutional front for the government to definitively break with its legacy of the past. Dozens of oppressive, arbitrary, and unfair laws used to convict political prisoners remain on the books and new laws need to be effectively implemented to make a true difference in the lives of the people.
In addition to continuing human rights and democracy concerns, we remain troubled by Burma’s military trade with North Korea. This is a top national security priority, and we will continue to press the government on this issue. We are collaborating closely with the EU, ASEAN, and other key regional partners including South Korea, Japan, and Australia to stress to Burma the importance of full compliance with UN Security Council Resolutions 1718 and 1874 and to underscore to senior Burmese officials the seriousness of this matter and its potential to impede progress in improving our bilateral ties.
We will also continue to urge the Burmese government for greater transparency on nonproliferation. We were encouraged by public assurances from senior officials, such as Lower House Speaker of Parliament Thura Shwe Mann in January 2012, that Burma has no intention of pursuing a nuclear weapons program and is committed to full compliance of all its international nonproliferation obligations. We have encouraged the Government of Burma to signal its commitment through concrete actions such as signing and ratifying the IAEA Additional Protocol, updating its Small Quantities Protocol and improving cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Conclusion
As we look forward, there is a great store of goodwill within the international community to re-engage Burma, re-build its capacity, and re-connect with the Burmese people, should the reform process continue. Though the challenges that lie ahead are daunting, the efforts of the resilient and diverse people of Burma are as inspiring as ever.
Let me finally take a moment to acknowledge the leadership of Congress in promoting change in Burma. So many members of Congress have demonstrated consistent and personal commitment over many years to democratic reform, human rights, and the welfare of the Burmese people – and many of you have traveled to the region in recent months to see for yourselves conditions on the ground and meet with the reformers themselves. We are grateful for your efforts, and we look forward to consulting closely with you as we continue to support a brighter future for Burma.
I am happy to answer any questions you may have.
Credit Here:
ISTANBUL | Sun Apr 1, 2012 8:55pm IST
(Reuters) - U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has given cautious support to a by-election in Myanmar that has given pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi a seat in the lower house of parliament.
"The United States congratulates the people who participated, many for the first time, in the campaign and election process," Clinton said on Sunday following a meeting on the Syrian conflict in Istanbul.
She urged authorities in Myanmar to adopt a transparent electoral system that would address any voting irregularities.
"It is too early to know what progress of recent months means and whether it will be sustained. There are no guarantees for what lies ahead for the people of Burma," Clinton told reporters.
(Reporting By Missy Ryan; Editing by Ben Harding)
The United States said it has accepted Burma's invitation to send two election observers and three journalists to monitor and report on upcoming by-elections in the Southeast Asian nation.
U.S. State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland, speaking Wednesday, praised the invitation, calling it a "welcomed first step" by Burma's new government as it seeks to restore ties with the West. Those ties were severely strained by decades of Burmese military rule. Nuland said Washington will consult with other observer countries, including a grouping of Southeast Asian nations, in the runup to the April 1 polls.
The U.S. response came hours after the Thai-based Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) told VOA that coordinator Somsri Hananuntasuk was told to pack her belongings and leave Burma on Tuesday. She was told to reapply for an appropriate visa instead of the tourist visa she used to enter the country last week.
She was attempting to persuade elections officials to allow her group to monitor the upcoming polls.
The U.S. and European invitations mark a reversal from controversial elections in 2010, which brought to power a government dominated by close allies of the former military government.
However the new administration has introduced a series of reforms, including permitting the opposition National League for Democracy and its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, to participate in the by-elections.
Earlier Wednesday, U.S. Embassy spokeswoman Adrienne Nutzman, speaking in Rangoon, called it "notable" that the invitation was extended to foreign journalists as well. She said the move demonstrates an increased openness in the country.
The United States and the European Union have said the April 1 elections will be a crucial test of the Burmese government's commitment to reform, and will in large part determine whether long-standing Western sanctions will eventually be lifted.
U.S. State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland, speaking Wednesday, praised the invitation, calling it a "welcomed first step" by Burma's new government as it seeks to restore ties with the West. Those ties were severely strained by decades of Burmese military rule. Nuland said Washington will consult with other observer countries, including a grouping of Southeast Asian nations, in the runup to the April 1 polls.
The U.S. response came hours after the Thai-based Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) told VOA that coordinator Somsri Hananuntasuk was told to pack her belongings and leave Burma on Tuesday. She was told to reapply for an appropriate visa instead of the tourist visa she used to enter the country last week.
She was attempting to persuade elections officials to allow her group to monitor the upcoming polls.
The U.S. and European invitations mark a reversal from controversial elections in 2010, which brought to power a government dominated by close allies of the former military government.
However the new administration has introduced a series of reforms, including permitting the opposition National League for Democracy and its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, to participate in the by-elections.
Earlier Wednesday, U.S. Embassy spokeswoman Adrienne Nutzman, speaking in Rangoon, called it "notable" that the invitation was extended to foreign journalists as well. She said the move demonstrates an increased openness in the country.
The United States and the European Union have said the April 1 elections will be a crucial test of the Burmese government's commitment to reform, and will in large part determine whether long-standing Western sanctions will eventually be lifted.
Credit Here :
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Michael H. Posner
National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Michael H. Posner
February 02, 2012
Thank you. It’s terrific to be invited by an organization I admire greatly, the National Endowment for Democracy, to speak about an issue that I care about deeply: Burma and its future.
I must say, though, that it’s a bit hard to come to the NED on the heels of the Secretary of State’s speech at the NDI annual dinner in December what I consider to be one of her finest speeches, on the future of democracy. If any of you missed that speech, I commend it to you.
I also want to thank the NED team that has played a leading role in promoting democracy and civil society in Burma for more than 20 years.
And I’d like to recognize the many other friends and colleagues here who have stood with the Burmese people for decades, both through their programs to promote democracy and their humanitarian work — the folks from the Open Society Institute, the Norwegian Burma Committee, DANIDA, the International Rescue Committee, and in fact every group here at the Burma Donor’s Forum and many, many more. I salute you all for your continued dedication to this important work.
Most of all, I want to honor the Burmese activists who have sacrificed so much to bring about the changes that we are here today to discuss.
Hindsight being 20-20, we can look back over the year 2011 and see that governments around the world have made choices that have profound effects on their people.
In Egypt, President Hosni Mubarak could not stand in the way of the winds of change that swept through Tahir Square, and the transition to democracy continues to move forward. And although we must expect many difficulties and even setbacks in every democratic transition, the Egyptian people are now charting their own future and seeking to build the kind of durable, inclusive democracy they deserve.
In Syria, Bashar al-Assad and his government made a different choice, attempting to cling to power. Since that decision more than 5,400 people, mostly peaceful demonstrators, have been killed by government security forces. This week we are continuing to work with the Arab League to shape an appropriate and effective international response at the UN Security Council, part of our effort to end this tragic chapter in Syrian history.
The news out of Burma has been much more hopeful, as the government has taken a series of actions to change course after years of isolation and human rights abuses. When I travelled there in December with Secretary Clinton, we saw the possibility of real democratic change that could eventually lead to a much brighter future for Burma.
The statements from Nawpidaw are certainly encouraging. At a dinner in Singapore on Monday night, President Thein Sein said, according to press reports, quote: "We want our people to take part in the democratic reform process and we want democracy to thrive in Myanmar. I wish to assure you that I shall endeavor to establish a healthy democracy in Myanmar."
If the leaders continue on this path of democracy and openness, they will free all remaining political prisoners. They will hold fair elections on April 1, allow their people a genuine say in how they are to be governed, end restrictions on the media and the Internet, end the divisive ethnic conflicts, and begin to build a more integrated and peaceful society.
If they continue to pursue this path, they will end their international economic and political isolation, attract aid and investment, and be in a position to build a strong and inclusive economy that shares prosperity widely. Of course that won’t transform Burma overnight. But it will begin to build the kind of government Burma’s people deserve.
I come to speak with you today with great humility, because I am not a Burma expert, and I know that many of you have worked on Burma for years or decades.
I had not visited the country until last fall, when I went first with Special Envoy Derek Mitchell in November, and then again with Secretary Clinton in December. What I do bring to this discussion is experience with countries that are beginning down the long hard road towards democracy. And based on that experience I feel it is a rare privilege to be able to offer help to a country at such an important time.
But our engagement starts from a clear-eyed assessment of where there has been progress and what remains to be done. Let’s start with the progress. We have seen movement on at least three important fronts. First is the release of political prisoners. Since October, the government has released more than 500 political prisoners. That includes most of the highest-profile prisoners. Some of these people had spent decades in jail for nonviolent expression of their political views.
Min Ko Naing, for example, was an 88 Generation student leader who spent most of the last 15 years in jail. He was re-arrested for organizing peaceful walking demonstrations in Rangoon in 2007 and sentenced to 65 years. Sixty-five years. Last week he and four other freed 88 Generation leaders held a press conference in and promised to “support those who want to build justice, freedom and equality” in Myanmar.
There is U Kyaw Min [OO JAW Min], a Rohingya rights activist who was elected as a Minister of Parliament in 1990 but then sentenced to 47 years in 2005 after he met with an international delegation investigating forced labor in Burma. His wife, two daughters and son were also rounded up and sentenced to 17 years simply for being his family members. Today he is free. His wife and two daughters were also freed with him. His son, however, remains in jail.
And there is Hla Hla Win [H-LAH H-LAH WIN], a young journalist arrested while interviewing monks and community leaders on video. She was first charged with having an illegally imported motorcycle, then when she was discovered to be a journalist she was sentenced to an additional 20 years for violating the Electronics Act, which prohibits uploading or downloading data deemed damaging to security. She also was released last month.
President Obama applauded the releases of prisoners of conscience as “a crucial step in Burma’s democratic transformation and national reconciliation process.” These released prisoners—lawyers, journalists, bloggers, activists, ethnic and religious leaders—will be key in building Burma’s future.
A second area where the actions of the Burmese government are significant is the opening to greater debate and discussion of political issues. In the last year the government has engaged Aung San Suu Kyi in a substantive dialogue. It has amended electoral laws, allowing the National League for Democracy and other opposition parties to register as political parties and begin preparing for the April by-elections. It has begun to ease some restrictions on media and civil society, and is beginning to allow humanitarian access for the United Nations and NGOs to conflict areas.
A third, related area where the government has undertaken reforms is in building a stronger democratic foundation. Last year the government passed a new labor law that expands the rights of workers and will allow unions to become legal again for the first time since the 1970s. In December, the Parliament passed new legislation protecting the right of assembly.
We have heard reports that work on a revised press freedoms law is underway. And the government established a new Human Rights Commission.
But much remains to be done. Hundreds of political prisoners are still being held, and a number of the laws used to arrest and detain them remain on the books. Censorship has been relaxed—but the censorship board remains in place. NGOs are allowed to operate—but many have not been allowed to legally register.
Probably the most important and most difficult remaining challenge is the need to end violence in ethnic minority areas and to advance an inclusive, meaningful dialogue leading towards genuine national reconciliation.
The government has struck preliminary ceasefire agreements with the Shan State army and with the Karen National Union, which has been involved in one of the longest-running civil wars anywhere in the world. At the same time violence in Kachin State has worsened, with reports of serious human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law.
Ultimately the ethnic violence is rooted in political causes, and it will require negotiated political solutions on both sides to address the underlying grievances.
In the coming months and years we must steel ourselves for challenges that will inevitably come with this transition. Over the years, it’s my observation that when ossified societies begin to loosen up, the process is neither smooth nor linear.
That is why this Administration is committed to a long-term engagement, one that both continues to push for reform and change, while at the same time offering encouragement and support.
As Secretary Clinton said, “The United States will meet action with action.” In response to the January 13 prisoner release, Secretary Clinton announced that we will exchange ambassadors. In a step-by-step fashion, we hope to build a relationship based on mutual respect and tangible progress on the issues that matter most to improving the daily lives of people.
Where Burma goes from here will depend on the political will of its leaders and the willingness of the government’s opponents to engage. And this political will needs to flow from two directions – from the top down, and from the bottom up.
The President and his advisors have created a kind of top-down reform process that has pushed through initiatives at a rapid pace. And this is to their credit. These changes have opened political space. But opening the political space doesn’t bring meaningful change unless people move into that space and start to use it.
It’s like an empty house. If the house is in bad shape, you may have to shore up the roof and hang some drywall before you can even move in. Then you need to bring in some furniture, move in, hang pictures that express your vision of what a home should look like, and invite a bunch of friends over for dinner, or plant a garden. Then that empty house starts to become a home.
To make Burma a home for all of its people requires broad, grassroots engagement by the widest possible range of politically active citizens. Ethnic leaders and bloggers. Lawyers defending clients. Lawmakers writing new media freedom laws. Factory workers forming unions and negotiating for better conditions and higher pay. Human rights advocates working with local powerbrokers to stop forced labor. NGOs working to bring child soldiers home.
All of these groups will need to push for structural changes from the bottom up, at the same time as the political leadership works to push reform from the top down.
I don’t know where those two forces meet. It’s not for us to say. It’s up to the Burmese to find the place where the two sides meet, to build trust on both sides, and to negotiate a space where they can coexist peacefully. That process is how durable, systemic change begins.
So the project of reforming the system from within is immense. It will require both political will from the top down and dynamism from the bottom up. Those who have profited from power in every country are often resistant to sharing it, and thus a backlash is always possible.
I’ve been accused of irrational optimism. But I do believe there is reason to be optimistic. That doesn’t mean that we assume everything is going to work or that we rush our engagement faster than reforms warrant. But it does mean that we reconsider long held assumptions; recognize the dynamic change that is occurring, and seize the opportunities to support the people, and especially politically active civil society, to pursue real, sustainable reforms from within.
And frankly there is another reason why my optimism isn’t irrational. Her name is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Her country is fortunate to have a leader of her principles and her caliber to inspire and guide it through these tumultuous times.
On my last visit, I was struck by the warmth and the welcome given the Secretary.
The crowds who lined the streets for miles to welcome her.
The beautiful hug she got from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The man who took an American official’s hands at the airport and said with tears in his eyes, “Thank you for coming to our country.”
The desire, expressed to us by so many Burmese, to rejoin the world – and not just the international banking system, but the international community.
Change is never guaranteed, but there is an appetite for change. And I know that all of you continue to work extremely hard to be part of it.
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ဇြန္လ ၁၇ ရက္ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ Source: guardian.co.uk ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္အတြက္ အနာဂတ္မွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မွာလား၊ က်ရွဳံးမွာလားဆိုသည္ကို ညႊန္ျပေသာ စမ္းသပ္မွဳ တစ... -
MP U Shwe Maung Explained on Amendment 1982 Citizenship Law on 25 July 2012. MP U Shwe Maung explained on amendment of 1982 Citizenship Law... -
ရက္စြဲ – ေမ ၂၉ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ သို ့ အယ္ဒီတာ၊ နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာန နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာနမွ ေမလ ၂၉ ရက္ေန ့ ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ ရမ္းျဗဲတြင္ အသက္ ၁၆ ႏွ...
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Read letter here Read history of Rohingya here Download letter PDF here Download History of Rohingya PDF here credi... -
RB News March 31, 2018 Minbya, Arakan State : On March 30 morning, a Prayer Leader or Imam was brutally beaten and injured by a Rakh... -
More than 40% of people living in Burma belong to one of the military-ruled nation's different minority groups. The government recognis...
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လူသားတိုင္း ရသင့္ရထိုက္ေသာ ရပိုင္ခြင့္၊ ခံစားခြင့္ မ်ားကို လူမ်ိဳးဘာသာမေရြး ရရွိသင့္ပါသည္။ သို႔မွသာ Human Rights – (လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး) ကိုတန္ဖို... -
12/07/2012 Joint press release HUMANITY GONE ... -
Even if the Rohingyas were not native to what we call Burma today, our birthplace, the inhuman and inhumane treatment of nearly 1 million Ro...
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ဇြန္လ(၅)ရက္ေန႔ မြန္းလြဲ တစ္နာရီဆယ့္ငါးမိနစ္ခန္႔က ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႔ ဆူးေလဘုရားအ၀ိုင္းအနီးရွိ ပလီေရွ႔တြင္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာဆႏၵေဖာ္ထုတ...
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