August 18, 2012
The Rohingyas are one of the most persecuted communities in the world. Although, they have been living in the state of Arakan since the 8th century (which is now part of Burma), the Rohingyas have been under extreme scrutiny by the Burmese government. They haven’t been recognized as citizens of The Union of Burma since Burmese independence in 1948, instead they are known as ‘non citizens’.
The Burmese Junta have discriminated the Rohingya because:
• They are not similar in looks
• Speak a different language
• Have a different religion.
As a means of clamping down on the Rohingya, the Junta has restricted even the most basic of rights such as education, marriage and citizenship.
The Burmese government endorses the Burmese culture and the Buddhist faith for their national citizens; the Rohingyas fall outside of this ideal criteria because they want to retain their own culture and the Muslim faith. As a result, the Rohingyas, sidelined and marginalized, have to live with their derogatory national status of ‘non-citizens’.
Between 1978 and 1992, approximately 200,000 Rohingyas left Burma to escape the tyranny of the Burmese military. Most of them moved to southern Bangladesh where they remain as refugees. In one of the most densely populated countries in the world, life in Bangladesh proved just as hard as it did in Burma.
In Bangladesh, the Rohingyas are faced with hardly any protection from their host country. A burden to the densely populated country, the Rohingyas are denied humanitarian aid which forces them to turn to other means of income such as drug trafficking.
There is one registered camp situated meters away from the registered camp where 90,000 refugees live. Another camp 15 miles away, in Leda Bazaar where approximately 25,000 Rohingya live, is where Restless Beings focus has been.
In 1962, the Rohingyas were systematically denied of political, civil, economic and social human rights. Today, the Rohingyas in Burma cannot commute from one village to another due to the security forces known as ‘Nasaka’ that patrol their movement at various checkpoints. This affects their education and access to medication.
Rohingyas are denied citizenship despite living in Arakan for centuries because Muslims are portrayed as ‘relics of a colonial past’. This stems from the fact that Muslims supported the British during the colonial period because they were promised autonomy in Rakhine previously known as Arakan.
Rohingyas have been subject to the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, forced labour, and land confiscation. Over 3,500 villages have been destroyed since 1996.
Similar to the Rohingyas living in Burma, the Rohingya refugees are limited in their movement and subject to exploitation. In refugee camps, the Rohingya women are victims of sexual violence, children are denied education and there is limited access to health and medical aid.
The hostile environment for Rohingyas in Bangladesh urges the refugees in Bangladesh and Burma to seek help in other parts of Asia such as Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia; however, these parts are not usually welcoming.
Update from Restless Beings
Reports have been flooding in this afternoon of a new wave of attacks on Rohingya this afternoon leaving hundreds homeless and looking for shelter on foot during torrential monsoon rains whilst others were left dead. The recent clashes have been reported from 4 villages near Rauthedoung were as many as 12 have been killed with 1,000 Rohingya displaced as well as in 3 villages south of Maungdaw where 3 people have been killed this Thursday, August 16, 2012.
In the minutes leading up to sunset as many Rohingya were preparing to open their fasts (Ramadhan) hundreds of Rakhine activists armed with sticks, batons and other weaponry forced their way into Rohingya houses in three adjacent villages. As the villagers attempted to fight back against the Rakhine who had violated their homes, Lun Htin and Nasaka (Burmese armed forces and paramilitary) opened live rounds of fire on the villagers.
Three men and one woman have been shot dead whilst many others have been injured. In total the three entire villages are being evacuated with the Rohingya unsure of where they are to move to next. Whilst one of the sources was describing the events, shooting and wailing could be heard in the background.
In a separate incident, but most likely part of this new wave of violence, four villages near Rathedoung were attacked late last night, Wednesday, leaving more than 12 dead and over 1,000 Rohingya displaced. Similar to incidents in Maungdaw today, Rakhine had attacked the villages and were backed up by Burmese armed forces and paramilitary servicemen.
The forces pushed the Rohingya villages from their homes, across the river and now the camp of 1,000 are moving north through mountainous terrains and during monsoon season looking for shelter. 12 people have been confirmed dead – 8 were shot dead and 4 more have lost their lives battling against the elements whilst being shelter less.
As international media have recently been reporting from the region and as an aid deal has been agreed by the President with OIC, this is seen as the final, brutal wave against the Rohingya during the recent clashes. It is feared that this move will be drawn out over many days surely; many more lives will be lost.
Susan Marie is Journalist, Radio Producer, Human Rights Advocate, Public Relations Executive
Source here
In Myanmar, whenever government face any political failure, she gear up pressure of persecution on Rohingya people or Islam. To do this systematically, the government gives training all of her servants including police, immigrations, officers, educators and religious monks against Islam and Muslims. Christians are also persecuted but not much like Muslims. There was an anti-Chinese riot in 1967, killed many Chinese and looted their properties, later, Burmese Buddhists look Chinese as pro-Buddhist partners, and they believe that they can make Chinese to be Theravada Buddhists easily.
Muslims dedicatedly and sincerely worked for Myanmar during the Dynasties periods, colonial periods, and parliament democratic periods but in the Socialist government period, the government started to restrict Muslims rights, and cleared Muslim history especially primary sources such as ancient monuments, books, peoples who were educated. The government has been using “divide and rule policy” to make Muslims as dangerous threat for the country. Immigration’s slogan is “The earth cannot swallow population, people can swallow Myanmar population”, it applies for the Muslims only. In the government schools, Buddhist worship-rooms are installed and every morning before students start the lessons they should recite Buddhist religious saying including the Muslims students, whoever doesn’t like to recite got punishment.
After 1988 demonstrations, the government has been encouraging to do Buddhist activities in every street, every quarter, and every office. As the same time, she has been warning the danger of Islam and Muslims. She uses Immigration law as the main persecution tool. It is very easy to clear all evidences of Muslims but in Arakan State, it is very difficult because there are a lot of historical monuments, records, and primary sources. So her main priority target became Arakanese Muslims called Rohingya. Firstly, she destroyed and cleared all historical monuments which proved that Rohingya are original inhabitants of Myanmar. There are still thousands of historical facts that affirmed Rohingya’s existence before British occupied Myanmar in 1826-1885. If you study Random House’s Compact Atlas of World History, page 60 and 61, you could find map of Islamic State in the Arakan. Thousands of historians wrote including Myanmar historian about Rohingya and Muslims but the government is still denying Rohingya’s existence. It is like a person who feels sun’s light and heat, then denies the existence of Sun.
How did government clear the evidences of ancient monuments of Muslims?
The Arakanese Kings with Muslim names and titles
According to former Chairman of Historical Commission, Burma, Lt. Col. Ba Shin’s “Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD”, Min Sawmon as Solaiman Shah, the founder of Mrauk-U dynasty and his successor were greatly influenced by Islamic culture. The practice of adopting a Muslim name or title by the Arakanese kings continued for more than two hundred years (1430 – 1638). This titles which appeared in Arabic script / Persian Kufic on their coins is given below:
No. Names of the Kings Muslim Names Reigning Period
1. Narameikhla (a) Sawmon Solaiman Shah 1430-1434 AD.
2. Meng Khari (a) Naranu Ali Khan 1434-1459
3. Ba Saw Pru Kalima Shah 1459-1482
4. Dawlya Mathu Shah 1482-1492
5. Ba Saw Nyo Mohammed Shah 1492-1493
6. Ran Aung Noori Shah 1493-1494
7. Salimgathu Sheikh Abdullah Shah 1494-1501
8. Meng Raza Ilias Shah - I 1501-1513
9. Kasabadi Ilias Shah -II 1513-1515
10. Meng Saw Oo Jalal Shah 1515
11. Thatsa Ali Shah 1515-1521
12. Min Khaung Raza El-Shah Azad 1521-1531
13. Min Bin (a) Min Pa Gri Zabuk Shah 1531-1553
14. Min Dikha Daud Khan 1553-1555
15. Min Phalaung Sikendar Shah 1571-1591
16. Min Razagri Salim Shah - I 1593-1612
17. Min Khamaung Hussain Shah 1612-1622
18. Thiri Thudama Salim Shah - II 1622-1637
Ref:( Lt. Col. Ba Shin, Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD, op. cit., P.5; Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vo. 1, op. cit., P. 233, 239, 250 & 271; Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., P.19; Siddiq Khan, op. cit., PP. 248-249; Harvey, op. cit., P140; D.G.E Hall, op. cit., P.330; ABM Habibullah, Arakan in Pre-Mughal History of Bengal, JASB, 1945, PP. 34-35)
Rohingya travel hundreds of nautical miles thus to escape economic and civil oppre3ssion.
by Marque A. Rome
Thai governments — whether of yellow or red stripe — have in recent years suffered mounting international criticism owing to treatment of Rohingya refugees, who dare journey in flimsy open boats, typically with insufficient supplies, across the Indian Ocean in hope of finding somewhere a livelihood and home.
Many come ashore along Thailand’s Andaman Sea coast. The Thais, however, among whom xenophobia forms a cultural trait, do not welcome stateless immigrants, especially not economic refugees adhering to the Muslim faith.
Thai law is quite clear on the point, the gist of which is, Thailand is for Thai people; visitors are welcome, but legal immigration is sharply restricted. A number of small ethnic groups around the country has suffered under these strictures, notably the northern hilltribes and Sea Gypsies here in the south. Formerly, though native for generations past, they were perceived as unwanted outsiders and denied citizenship.
Rohingya have lived in refugee camps in Bangladesh for decades.
That has gradually changed.
Sea Gypsies, for example, who appear to be the Andaman coast’s aboriginal inhabitants, now have full rights of citizenship and royally bestowed surnames.
But still no legal apparatus is in place for dealing with immigrants in an orderly way. Unwanted visitors are deported. But what can be done with those unwanted in their home countries, where officials deny them repatriation?
That is the unfortunate case of the Rohingya, whose home is on the Arakan coast of Burma: the Burmese don’t want them there and will not accept them back.
Their enervation may be forgiven after days at sea without shelter.
So the Thais are placed in the invidious position either of accepting entry by an alien and impoverished group or…pushing them back whence they came — back into the sea. This has sometimes been done, prompting criticism from abroad. Thus the government is now creating a permanent plan for dealing with the Rohingya boat people.
What that will encompass remains to be seen, but the question naturally arises, “Who are the Rohingya and why have they no home?”
Their origins are vague but not because lost in the shrouds of antiquity; they appear, as an ethnic group, only recently. Burmese historian Khin Maung Saw asserts that the term ‘Rohingya’ does not appear before the 1950s. Another historian, Dr. Maung Maung, noted no ‘Rohingya’ are mentioned in the British 1824 census survey.
Aye Chan, of Kanda University of International Studies, has written that ‘Rohingya’ was adopted as a name by Bengalis in the 1950s whose forbears had migrated to Arakan during the British Raj. Many came at the behest of British employers but found themselves no longer wanted, and, indeed, stateless, after Burma’s independence in 1947. Aye Chan also argues that no record exists of ‘Rohingya’ in any language before the ’50s.
Arakan, in western Burma, borders East Bengal, now the nation of Bangladesh, so it seems reasonable to accept that the group’s origins are there, especially as they are Muslim, and the Burmese — for whom Buddhism is regarded as a defining national trait — do not accept them as native. They also speak a language related to Chittagonian, a Bengal dialect common in the south along Bangladesh’s border with Burma.
A 500-year-old coin the Rohingya think indicates their antiquity as a nation.
The Rohingya themselves derive their origin from a fanciful story: the 8th Century shipwreck of an Arab trading vessel whose crew begged — and received — mercy from Arakan’s local raja when he ordered them killed. The Rohingya said they were allowed to stay and have been in Arakan since.
However the case may be, relations between the Rohingya and the Burmese long have been uneasy. A 1939 study carried out under the auspices of British authorities, anxious that animosity might flare into violence between the Arakanese majority and Muslim migrants, concluded that migration from Bengal should be greatly reduced.
That British fears of violence were not misplaced became evident after the Japanese conquest of Burma in 1942: On 28th March of that year, perhaps 5,000 Muslims were slaughtered by Arakanese nationalists and Karens. The animosity was not all on one side, Muslims in northern Arakan massacred some 20,000 Arakanese.
"One law for both the Lion and the Ox," wrote Blake, "Opression." It has certainly been that of the Rohingya since long before most were born.
By no means all Burmese Muslims are Rohingya, but during World War II Muslim Bengali immigrants largely supported the British against the Japanese, who invaded the country in the guise of liberators. Support for the British was equated as opposition to Burmese nationalism — and so left the Rohingya with few friends after independence.
During the war, Rohingya support for the British manifested itself in active collaboration. They provided intelligence to British commanders fighting the Japanese, who reciprocated with brutal reprisals of a type similar in kind to the notorious Rape of Nanking: massacre, rape, murder, torture, extortion and forced labour. Tens of thousands fled into Bengal.
Since the war, various military governments in Burma have, for domestic political reasons, regularly incited violence against the Rohingya and other minorities. The former are an easy target, being strongly religious and — with their mosques and madrasa schools — plainly opposed to integration with the Buddhist majority, leading to further displacement of the community.
Amnesty International has noted that:
“Rohingyas’ freedom of movement is severely restricted, the vast majority are effectively denied Burmese citizenship. They are subjected to various forms of extortion and arbitrary taxation; land confiscation; forced eviction and house destruction; and financial restrictions on marriage. Rohingyas are used as forced labourers on roads and military camps….”
In 1961, the democratic government of U Nu granted local autonomy to Rohingya and established the Mayu Frontier Administration, a special frontier district ruled directly by the central government. But in 1964, Gen Ne Win — after toppling U Nu — abolished it. Thereafter his government’s policy towards the Rohingya has been described as one of ethnic cleansing, the goal being “a Rohingya-less Arakan.”
“In 1978 over 200,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh,” Amnesty International reported, “following the Burmese army’s ‘Nagamin’ (‘Dragon King’) operation. Officially this campaign aimed at ‘scrutinising each individual living in the state, designating citizens and foreigners in accordance with the law and taking actions against foreigners who have filtered into the country illegally.’ It directly targeted civilians, and resulted in widespread killings, rape, destruction of mosques and religious persecution.”
From 1988 till the recent change in regimes, the government permitted three marriages per year per village in the principal Rohingya population centres of northern Arakan State. This edict was later extended to other townships in Arakan.
“During 1991-92, over a quarter-million Rohingya fled to Bangladesh,” wrote Amnesty International. “They reported widespread forced labour, summary executions, torture, and rape. Rohingya were forced to work without pay by the Burmese army on infrastructure and economic projects, often under harsh conditions. Many other human rights violations by security forces occurred….”
Worse still for the Rohingya, the Bengalis are no longer amenable to accepting them: the government no longer provides support for refugee camps in which the overwhelming majority live and actually prevents international agencies from improving facilities for fear that, as a 2006 Refugees International report explained: “a humane camp environment will attract more Rohingya to their country.”
Conditions at a typical camp in Bangladesh.
Malnutrition rates therein are described as “very high”, with acute malnutrition prevalent in 16.8 per cent of children aged younger than five years, and 2.8 per cent severe cases. “Chronic malnutrition was present in 51.9% of the children. The underlying causes include poor water and sanitation, lack of access to complementary food and non-food items, and the poor socio-economic conditions of the refugees.”
So, displaced from their homeland or treated as aliens, failing to find sympathy for their plight in co-religionist Bangladesh, they take to the sea. But their treatment after coming ashore in other countries is far from certain. In Indonesia and Malaysia they are treated with a modicum of human dignity.
In Thailand they have been treated as pests.
Rohingya being towed: sometimes the overloaded derelict vessels succumb to the stress and...their passengers then present a problem to no one any longer.
In February, 2009, scandal erupted. A boatload of 190 Rohingya refugees was towed to sea and the story raised international headlines. A group rescued by Indonesian authorities that month told stories of being captured and beaten by Thai authorities, then abandoned in the ocean. Another group of five boats was towed to sea where four sank.
Thailand’s prime minister at the time, the Democrat Apisit Vejjajiva, admitted “some instances” in which Rohingya were abandoned at sea. He said they were allowed to “drift to other shores” but that policy was to supply “enough food and water” to ensure their arrival, and vowed he would bring to account officers guilty of human rights violations.
In the event, none were found guilty.
Although the new government of Burma agreed late last year to repatriate “registered Rohingya refugees” it is by no means clear how many can prove they are ‘registered’ — too many having been displaced during a period covering now seven decades.
The United Nations estimates the total population of Rohingya at 729,00 scattered throughout various Indian Ocean nations: Malaysia, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Bangladesh and, of course, Burma.
Other figures suggest this wildly underestimates the population: In a briefing paper dated 26th March 2009, the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office estimated the number at 800,000 in Arakan alone.
In addition: “It is estimated 500,000 Rohingya live in Saudi Arabia, 200,000 in Pakistan, 200,000 in Bangladesh, 50,000 in the United Arab Emirates and 25,000 in Malaysia.”
That makes about 1.8 million. Rohingya nationalists, however, dispute even this figure as greatly under-estimating their number, which they think is closer to 3.5 million, of which two million live in Burma and the rest in exile.
The Rohingya flag.
A Rohingya Patriotic Front has pressed for recognition of Rohingya status internationally. The group has a national flag — its green field emblematic of Islam; the central motif taken from a coin minted by Shams al-din Muhammad Ghazi, sultan of Bengal and dating from 1554 (the latter to support the group’s claim to an origin far earlier than the 1950s).
Thus the Rohingya are seen tenaciously holding onto their identity. Though scattered, like the Zionist Jews previous to Israel’s founding in 1947, they are eager to carve out a homeland.
Rohingya lined up awaiting deportation in February, 2009.
Born of this earth, yet with no land acknowledging them its children, the Rohingya necessarily wander — and even in that find themselves pursued and oppressed.
An Indian infantry section of the 2nd Battalion, 7th Rajput Regiment about to go on patrol on the Arakan front, Burma 1943. Courtesy of: Imperial War Museum (IND 2917)
Written at Islaamabad (Chittagong)
in June 1777
Communicated by Major R,E. Roberts
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In February last the Mugs, or Aaracaners, carried off from the most southern parts of Bengal, about 1800 men, women, and children; they arrived at Aracan (according to the Persian orthography, Rekheng) after a voyage often days. Upon their arrival they were conducted to the rajah; or sovereign of the country, who chose from among them for his slaves all the handicraftsmen and most use-ful persons, amounting to about one-fourth of the whole number; the rest he returned to the captors, who conducted them, by ropes about their necks, to a market, and there sold them from twenty to seventy rupees each, according to their strength, abilities, etc. The purchasers assigned them the cultivation of their lands, and other laborious employments, giving each person, for his monthly support, only fifteen seers1 of rice.
When these people arrived at Rekheng, a man named Duppung Geree was the rajah,and one Kuddul Poree, his kutwal The rajah wanted to put the kutwal to death; but the latter, getting information of his design, made his escape to a village, and prevailed on the inhabitants to assist him in deposing the rajah. When the rebels made their intention suspected, by assembling in arms, the rajah ordered his son-in-law to go with a small army, and put the kutwal to death. A battle was fought between the two armies and the rajah's son-in-law was defeated and killed. After this battle the kutwal proceeded with his partizans to the rajah's fort; at his approach all the rajah's adherents not excepting his relations, fled and left him alone to the revenge of the kutwal. The rajah hid himself, but was soon discovered, and put to death. After Duppung Geree's death, Kuddul Poree proclaimed himself rajah, sent for all the former rajah's relations and servants, and such of them as did not make him handsome presents, were put to death. An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 143
Four days after this revolution, the tranquility of the country not yet being restored, twenty-five men and women, natives of Bengal (all of whom were of the number of those carried to Rekheng in Feb. last, except one man, named Buddul Khawn, of Backergunge, who was carried thither about thirteen years ago) took the opportunity to seize on a boat and to make their escape in it. They proceeded in the boat for one day, and then quitted it to travel by land. When they quitted the boat, they landed in a woody and uninhabited part of Rekheng, and continued their route on the banks of small rivers, to avoid wild beasts and impenetrable woods. They were seven days travelling from Rekheng* to Islaamabad, and arrived here the 15th instant.
The produce of Rekheng, with respect to vegetables, is nearly by the same as Bengal,except that no part of it produces the mulberry-tree. With respect to animals, it neither produces sheep, horses, nor jackalls, but great plenty of geese, fowls, ducks, goats, kine, buffaloes, elephants, deer, hogs, dogs, and bees. As to its manufacturies, they make wood oil, and several kinds of coarse cloths. Their trade consists in exporting the said manufactures, elephant's teeth, and wax, and in importing fine cloths, and a few other Bengal articles.
The Rekheng merchants that come to Bengal, never plunder or carry away people fromthence, but follow their trade peaceably as merchants should. The rajah of Rekheng, readily grants the merchants permission to trade to Bengal; but he will not permit any of his subjects to leave his country, to plunder and make slaves, until he has received from them a considerable sum of money. When these plunderer return to Rekheng, every thing they have made prize of is carried to the rajah. Of the goods it is his allowed privilege to take half, and of the prisoners one fourth; but he generally exacts the lion's share; for which reason the Mugs endeavour to secrete all the silver and gold that they collect in these expeditions, and to that end, when they make a rich prize, they put all the prisoners to death.
There is but one fort in Rekheng; the Rajah resides in it. It consists of three squares, one within the other; each square surrounded with walls made of brick and stone. The two inner walls are about fourteen feet high, the outer wall about twelve feet, the thickness of each of the walls is about eight feet. They are at this time much decayed, and may be easily demolished. The fort has no ditch to it, or any outwork to prevent theapproach of an enemy; and is said to have been built merely to secure the rajah from the insurrections of the natives. It is said to be situated from the northern boundary of Rekheng, seven days journey; from the southern three days, from the eastern boundary one day, and the same distance from the western boundary, or the sea. A river runs from the sea very near the fort, where it is about twenty feet broad 2. Large boats can go to the fort. The banks of the river are cultivated: there are about 1,000 pieces of
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That is to say, from the northern boundary of Rekheng. 144 Major R. E. Roberts cannon lying between, two of the fort walls; only five or six of them are mounted on carriages, and even those carriages are two [sic] much decayed to be serviceable. There are a very few small brass cannon: all the others are thought to be so much damaged, by having been, for a great length of time, exposed to the weather, that they cannot be used. Under different bamboo and straw sheds in the fort, are kept a great many cannon balls of different sizes; a large quantity of gunpowder in earthen pots; and several intatchlocks. The rajah also has seven Europe muskets, which are always carried in his train; but these, as well as the match-locks are become unserviceable. He has six small horses (tattoos) which, it is said, he got from Chittagong.
From all the accounts that I have been able.to obtain of Rekheng, it appears, that the natives of that country are a dastardly race of people and have only courage to attack defenceless Bengal merchants and boatmen; that they depend more on the timidity of the persons they attack, and the strength of their oars, than on the goodness of their arms, or personal prowess.
One Tahes Mahmud 3, a native of Bengal, was formerly the rajah's derrwan4, and afterwards became his dewan5. Having gained some riches in that part, the rajah was determined to deprive him of them, and for that purpose to put him to death. The dewan getting notice of this design, fled to Chittagong, with about 2,000 of his countrymen, and arrived here near two years ago6. The rajah has frequently demanded him of this government, and has sent several threatening and very insolent letters, because his demand was not complied with. But the persons who are since returned from Rckhcng, say, that a report frequently becomes current there, that Tahes Mahmud is on his way thither, with an armed force belonging to the English; and that at such times the people residing about the fort, and even the rajah's relations and attendants, fly to the hills and woods, leaving him alone, till they find that the report is false. Tahes Mahmud is now a sherrickdar of the this province.
Almost three fourths of the inhabitants of Rekheng are said to be natives of Bengal, or descendants od such, who constantly pray that the English may send a force to deliver them from their slavery, and restore them to their country; in that case they have agree among themselves to assist their deliverers to the utmost of their power.
The hills that join Rekheng to the eastward are inhabited by a people called Kheng, which is also the name of the country. These people have a rooted enmity to the native inhabitants of Rekheng, and miss no opportunity of carrying them off to their own country for slaves; but they never assault or injure the Bengal inhabitants. It is said that the Kheng never made open war with the Mugs, but only assault them by surprise. The dress of Kheng consists only of a piece of coarse cloth, about the breadth of a hand, An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 145
which they wear round the middle; they wear no turbans, or ever shave the head, but tie all the hair together on the fore part, or crown of the head. They spot their faces with black paint, and they resemble the natives of Bengal in their features, shape, and stature7.
The Rekheng rajah governs this country in the most despotic manner: he is absolute over the lives and properties of his subjects. In his administration, his only guides are his own reason and passions. He is the sole judge of all causes, criminal and civil. The parties are brought before him; he hears what they have to say, and immediately gives judgment. Criminals are punished by flogging, dismembering, beheading and impaling. If flogging is the sentence, it is inflicted instantly before him; but if either of the other punishments, the criminal is conducted to a building at a little distance, where thesentence is immediately executed.
When the rajah goes abroad, he is carried on a kind of litter made with two bamboos, fastened together by rattans on which he sits, by four bearers, and is attended by men armed with long bills8, like swords, and with spears (the only arms used by the Mugs)and the seven Europe muskets before mentioned. When the rajah administers justice, he sits on a mat, on a place elevated above the heads of the people, An eunuch attends on him, to repeat the orders he gives. The eunuch stands with his hands on his knees; consequently his body is bent forward; a position expressive of respect and attention, which he is not suffered to vary during his continuance in the rajah’s presence. All other persons, except the rajah's father and father-in-law, while in his presence, kneel, bend their bodies forward, turn one side of the head to him, and hold both hands to the car of that side. This, I think, at once signifies, that they salute him, are attentive to any order he may be pleased to give, and ready to execute it.
The sovereignty of Rekheng is neither hereditary nor elective; but is possessed by whoever is able and willing to take it, the people readily submitting to the conqueror. The natives of Rekheng are much given to excess in drinking and almost every man distils the arrack he uses. They never use tomtoms but at funerals. There are very few inhabitants on the sea-coast. Fresh water is both good and plenty, and rice also; as much of that grain may be bought for two puns9 of cowries as will serve twenty men for a meal. A Rekheng rupee is equal to twelve annas10 or in Rekheng to three, or fortyeight uns of cowries; so that if we allow twelve chattaks11 of rice for each man’s meal, twenty men will eat fifteen seers; the price of which being but two puns of cowries, one Rekheng rupee's worth of rice will be nine of our maunds, equal to twelve maunds12 for a dussmassa rupee. 146 Major R. E. Roberts
The rajah has a mint in his fort, and coins silver rupees His house, which is in the fort, is built with bamboos and straw, and his only upper apartments, at a considerable height from the ground. Very few persons besides the rajah's family live in the fort.
The land round it is level and cultivated, with a few houses here and there, and the country to it, from the sea, is mostly cultivated, all of it clear of jungle* and the fort is of easy access, even to artillery, on that side. About two years ago, above 2,000 persons, men, women, and children, (near a fourth of whom had, at different times, left this province to avoid the oppressions of the zemindars; the rest had been carried forcibly to Rekheng by the natives of that country, and there sold for slaves) escape from Rekheng, and came to a place called Rawmoo, in the most southern part of this province. From Rawmoo they sent four deputies to the chief, to inform him of their arrival, and to request him to assign them lands for their maintenance. The chief readily promised to comply with their request, and told them to look out for such uncultivated lands as they might chuse [sic] to reside on. They pitched upon land near Rawmoo Khurwan, and Chukurreah13, which, were granted them, on condition that they should pay no rent tillthe expiration of three years, and that they should then pay the customary rent. A short time after (two or three months), such of the men as had not been able to bring their wives and children away with them, to the number of about 800, returned to Rekheng, and have not since been heard of, but are supposed to have arrived save. The settling of them so near Rekheng, both by sea and land, as the place above mentioned, was certainly very impolitic, as was fully proved by the loss of so many useful subjects; for their returnto this province again cannot be expected. The government of Rekheng will certainly take warning from its remissness, and use proper means to prevent a second escape. The loss of these people would have been effectually prevented, had they been settled inland in the northern parts of the province, from whence it could not have been so easy for them to go to Rekheng, nor would the rajah of that country have had it so much in his power to send his agents among them to entice them away, which is strongly suspected to have been partly the cause of their return.
We are traditionally informed, that the people of Rekheng have, from time Immemorial, plundered the southern parts of Bengal, and carried the inhabitants into slavery; that they have even been so hostile as to descend on the coast of Chittagong, proceed into the country, plunder and burn the villages, destroy what they could not carry away, and ake slaves of the inhabitants. The vestiges of a fortification that once surrounded the town of Islaamabad still remain; and it is well known that this fortification was not
---------------------------------
Thick woods, or forests An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 147 only intended as a place of refuge to the inhabitants of the country, but also to secure the inhabitants of the town from being pillaged by these invaders, to such lengths did they then proceed.
Before this province was ceded to the Company, the government was at an immense expence to maintain a marine and land force to repel the Mugs; but the great extent of
Chittagong coast made it impossible to prevent their landing on some part of it, and carrying off considerable booty, It is surprising that the governement did not perceive, that the only effectual way to put a stop to these invasions, would have been to attack the invaders in their own country, which is both near, and of easy access. For some time, after the cession of this province to the Company, it was found necessary to keep considerable force for its protection; but the government being at that time less supine than formerly, was not contented with barely repulsing the invaders, which was the case before, except in a very few instances, but followed them to sea, and soon made them desist from their invasions. Since that time till very lately, an interval of thirteen or fourteen years14, they have been pretty quiet; but as it is not said that we gave them any very remarkable defeat, and as it is certain we never invaded their country, I cannot attribute their peaceable behaviour, for so long a time, solely to their fear of the English force, but suppose it must have been partly owing to an invasion of their country by another nation, to a dearth or epidemic disease, or to change in their government; but to whatever cause it was owing, it is certain, as I said before, that they did not attack this province for a considerable time.
It is said, that the great extent of country, now called the Sunderbunds, was formerly populous and well cultivated; and that its present condition is solely owing to the Mugs, many of the inhabitants having been carried into slavery and that the remainder fled from it to avoid a like fate15.
To attempt to prove the dishonour and loss to our government by tamely suffering such depredations, would be superfluous; both are too evident even to need being pointed at. All that I shall say on this head at present is, that I am fully convinced that these violences may be easily prevented, a great number of very useful subjects restored to freedom and their country, and, perhaps, many other advantages that cannot now be perceived, may accrue to the Company at a trivial, or even no expense, by a wellconducted attack on Rekheng, A nest of pirates, enemies to mankind, and to the peace and commerce of Bengal, will be thereby destroyed. I think I may venture to predict, that the longer they continue unattacked, the more powerful and courageous they will become, till at last it will be found necessary for the immediate preservation of the southern parts of Bengal, to enter into an expesive, and perhaps a bloody war with them. It must be a very considerable armed force, acting only on the defensive, to defend even the coast of Chittagong from invasion. But how can the security of this 148 Major R. E. Roberts
whole province protect the inhabitants of the islands, and other southern parts of Bengal?
When Mahabut Jung was subahdar16 of Bengal, Sadacut Mchamud Khan was naib subahn17 of ali the southern parts, as far west as Hijli18. He planned an expedition against Rekheng, which being approved by the nabob, he raised an army of 12,000 men, consisting of 100 horsemen, 500 bildars (pioneers), 2,500 coolies; and the remaining number of infantry of different denominations, His artillery consisted often pieces of cannon. With this army he marched towards Rekheng; the bildars, and a certain number of coolies, preceded in one day's march, in order to clear the road. The ammunition and provisions were conveyed as far as Rawmoo, in 400 boats, and there landed, to be carried with the army. The boats then proceeded to the river Nawf, to assist the army in passing it. The army arrived at that river after nineteen days marching; and were on the point of passing it, when an order came from Mahabut Jung for the army to return as fast as possible, This ended an expedition that cost the government upwards of 80.000 rupees! The order was obtained by the influence of Sadacut Mohamud Khan's enemies at the durbar, who made the nabob believe that the naib subah intended to make himself independent by the conquest of Rekheng; and that he would so strengthen himself by that conquest, as to be able to support himself in the independent sovereignty of both that country and Chittagong. The road from Islaamabad to Rawmoo, which the army was eleven days marching, was very bad; but from thence to the river Nawf, it marched on the sea-beach, which was all the way, so level, that a one horse chaise might have gone on it. The Nawf is the limit of Chittagong, and divides it from Rekheng. It is so broad, that in the clearest weather nothing on the opposite side can be seen; but only the entrance of it is here meant, as it is not known that any one ever went up to it. It is thought to communicate with Pegue; but this is merely a conjecture of me natives of this province.
After the return of the army, some natives of Bengal, who had made their escape from Rekheng, reported, that when it was known there that the nabob's army was on its march to that country, the rajah and most of the inhabitants fled to the hills and woods;but that a small garrison was left in the fort, who were also soon struck with a panic, quarrelled amongst themselves, and at last deserted the fort. Some time before Sadacut Mohamud Khan went on the expedition against Rekheng, he received advice that two fleets of Mug boats were seen going to the south of the islands; that one of them, consisting of fifty or sixty boats, appeared to be going to Luckipore, by the way of Deccan Shahbazpore19; and that the other fleet, of eighty or one hundred boats, was going towards the Sundcrbunds20, Soon after, farther intelligence came that the last-mentioned fleet was lying in Bengun Gunge Nullah, in the Sunderbunds; on which the naib subah went there, with seventy or eighty armed boats, and arrived at the entrance of the Nullah when it was low water, and the Mug boats An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 149 stranded. He attacked them, killed many of them, took fifty boats, and 2,200 prisoners, who were employed in the buildings at Mootejeel. What became of the other fleet of Mug boats is not certainly known; but it is thought they got intelligence of the defeat of their countrymen, and returned as fast as possible to Rekheng, It was in consequence of the appearance of these fleets, that the expedition against Rekheng was planned.
[Post-scriptum]
Islaamabad, June 1777
Since writing the above, the persons who were lately sent to Rekheng with a letter are returned. They report, that on their arrival, Kuddul Poree, the rajah, ordered them to be confined till he returned from subduing a rebellion raised by one of his zemindars21; and he, at the same time, promised to give them an answer to their letter. Soon after the rajah was killed by the zemindar, who seized on the government and ordered them to be put to death as spies; but that by paying twenty-five rupees, they were permitted to escape, They farther say, that the people of Rekheng were in expectation of an English force coming against it, and that the native inhabitants were in great fear.
When these messengers, in going to Rekheng, arrived at the Nawf, they travelled for some time along its banks to the eastward, and very soon came to a part of it that is not broader than the .Chittagong river, near the town; over which they crossed with ease.
Notes
1. Terme anglo-indien qui design e une unite de mesure de poids ou de capacite largement repandue en Inde. D'aprcs les indications du Hobscm-Jobson, la valeur du seer variait selon les regions entre 226 et 1400 grammes. La regulation de 1833 le donne comme pesant 1 135 g, Le seer etait divise en 16 chhitak.
2. ll s'agit de la riviiere Aungdat.
3. Ll pourrail s'agir d'un certain Taj Muhammad dont la presence dans le district de
Chittagong est signale par Serrajuddin en 1782, II s'agissait d'un refugie qui avait
beneficie d'unc donation de terres.
4. D'apres Ie Hobson-Jobson, ce tenme d6signe un ponier ou concierge. 150 Major R. E. Roberts
5. Ce terrne recouvrait des fonctions assez diverse en Inde qui vont du Premier
minister a I’ administrateur local. Au Bengale, il designait un serviteur charge des affaires domestiques d'une grande maison ou d`un commerce. C'est le sens qui
nous parait le plus probable ici.
6. 1775. Nous n'avons rien trouve dans les sources arakanalses sur cese`venemems,
7. Cette breve notice ethnographique sur les montagnards Chin estpeut-etre la
premiere information que nous ayons sur cette population. Ces deportations sent aussi documentors dans les sources arakanaises.
8. Couteau avec un manche long et une lame incurvee utilise pour couper des branches d'arbrcs.
9. Un pun est l'equivalent d'une livre. Si on admet qu'il s’agit ici d'une livre a 16
onces, un pun correspondait a 453,6 g,
10. Une roupie indienne equivalait a 16 annas.
11. Si l’on prend en compteles valeurs minimale et maximale du maunds et du seer,un repas peut etre estime` entre 638 et 852 g.
12. Le maund etait une mesure de poids exiremement variable suivant les regions
de l`lnde, allant de 2 a 160 livres. Nous admettons qu'il faut prendre en
consideration le maund du Bengate qui valait, suivant une citation de 1760figurant dans Hobson-Jobson (p. 565), 75 livres, c`est-a'-dire environ 34 kilos,
13. Chocoria; localite’ au nord de Ramu, connue depuis le xvI siecle.
14. C`esi-a-dire entre 1763 et 1777,
15. Les voyageurs europeens du xvii siecle comme Bemier, Schouten ou Manrique y
font reference, notamment en rapport avec les Portugais qui prenaient part & ces
aetivites,
16. Gouverneur mogol.
17. Un naib (gouverneur adjoint ou delegue) Sadaqat Muhammad Khant fils de Agha
Baqer Khan, figure sur une liste d'officiers mogols tiree du Tarikh-i-Chatgaon de
Maulvi Hamidullah Khan (voir Qanungo 1986, 456),
18. Voir Manrique 1927, 13 n, 1 et 438. Cette localite au Nord-Ouest de la baie du
Bengale n'existe plus maintenant,
19. Cette ile se trouve a` l’embouchure du Gange et de la Meghna.
20. C`est-a-dire qu'elle s'orientait plus vers l’Ouest,
21. Nous supposons qu 'il s'agit de I 'affrontement avec le general On Cun, fin mai
1777 (Candamalalankara 1931 (vol. 2), 284).
One Tahes Mahmud 3, a native of Bengal, was formerly the rajah's derrwan4, and afterwards became his dewan5. Having gained some riches in that part, the rajah was determined to deprive him of them, and for that purpose to put him to death. The dewan getting notice of this design, fled to Chittagong, with about 2,000 of his countrymen, and arrived here near two years ago6. The rajah has frequently demanded him of this government, and has sent several threatening and very insolent letters, because his demand was not complied with. But the persons who are since returned from Rckhcng, say, that a report frequently becomes current there, that Tahes Mahmud is on his way thither, with an armed force belonging to the English; and that at such times the people residing about the fort, and even the rajah's relations and attendants, fly to the hills and woods, leaving him alone, till they find that the report is false. Tahes Mahmud is now a sherrickdar of the this province.
Almost three fourths of the inhabitants of Rekheng are said to be natives of Bengal, or descendants od such, who constantly pray that the English may send a force to deliver them from their slavery, and restore them to their country; in that case they have agree among themselves to assist their deliverers to the utmost of their power.
The hills that join Rekheng to the eastward are inhabited by a people called Kheng, which is also the name of the country. These people have a rooted enmity to the native inhabitants of Rekheng, and miss no opportunity of carrying them off to their own country for slaves; but they never assault or injure the Bengal inhabitants. It is said that the Kheng never made open war with the Mugs, but only assault them by surprise. The dress of Kheng consists only of a piece of coarse cloth, about the breadth of a hand, An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 145
which they wear round the middle; they wear no turbans, or ever shave the head, but tie all the hair together on the fore part, or crown of the head. They spot their faces with black paint, and they resemble the natives of Bengal in their features, shape, and stature7.
The Rekheng rajah governs this country in the most despotic manner: he is absolute over the lives and properties of his subjects. In his administration, his only guides are his own reason and passions. He is the sole judge of all causes, criminal and civil. The parties are brought before him; he hears what they have to say, and immediately gives judgment. Criminals are punished by flogging, dismembering, beheading and impaling. If flogging is the sentence, it is inflicted instantly before him; but if either of the other punishments, the criminal is conducted to a building at a little distance, where thesentence is immediately executed.
When the rajah goes abroad, he is carried on a kind of litter made with two bamboos, fastened together by rattans on which he sits, by four bearers, and is attended by men armed with long bills8, like swords, and with spears (the only arms used by the Mugs)and the seven Europe muskets before mentioned. When the rajah administers justice, he sits on a mat, on a place elevated above the heads of the people, An eunuch attends on him, to repeat the orders he gives. The eunuch stands with his hands on his knees; consequently his body is bent forward; a position expressive of respect and attention, which he is not suffered to vary during his continuance in the rajah’s presence. All other persons, except the rajah's father and father-in-law, while in his presence, kneel, bend their bodies forward, turn one side of the head to him, and hold both hands to the car of that side. This, I think, at once signifies, that they salute him, are attentive to any order he may be pleased to give, and ready to execute it.
The sovereignty of Rekheng is neither hereditary nor elective; but is possessed by whoever is able and willing to take it, the people readily submitting to the conqueror. The natives of Rekheng are much given to excess in drinking and almost every man distils the arrack he uses. They never use tomtoms but at funerals. There are very few inhabitants on the sea-coast. Fresh water is both good and plenty, and rice also; as much of that grain may be bought for two puns9 of cowries as will serve twenty men for a meal. A Rekheng rupee is equal to twelve annas10 or in Rekheng to three, or fortyeight uns of cowries; so that if we allow twelve chattaks11 of rice for each man’s meal, twenty men will eat fifteen seers; the price of which being but two puns of cowries, one Rekheng rupee's worth of rice will be nine of our maunds, equal to twelve maunds12 for a dussmassa rupee. 146 Major R. E. Roberts
The rajah has a mint in his fort, and coins silver rupees His house, which is in the fort, is built with bamboos and straw, and his only upper apartments, at a considerable height from the ground. Very few persons besides the rajah's family live in the fort.
The land round it is level and cultivated, with a few houses here and there, and the country to it, from the sea, is mostly cultivated, all of it clear of jungle* and the fort is of easy access, even to artillery, on that side. About two years ago, above 2,000 persons, men, women, and children, (near a fourth of whom had, at different times, left this province to avoid the oppressions of the zemindars; the rest had been carried forcibly to Rekheng by the natives of that country, and there sold for slaves) escape from Rekheng, and came to a place called Rawmoo, in the most southern part of this province. From Rawmoo they sent four deputies to the chief, to inform him of their arrival, and to request him to assign them lands for their maintenance. The chief readily promised to comply with their request, and told them to look out for such uncultivated lands as they might chuse [sic] to reside on. They pitched upon land near Rawmoo Khurwan, and Chukurreah13, which, were granted them, on condition that they should pay no rent tillthe expiration of three years, and that they should then pay the customary rent. A short time after (two or three months), such of the men as had not been able to bring their wives and children away with them, to the number of about 800, returned to Rekheng, and have not since been heard of, but are supposed to have arrived save. The settling of them so near Rekheng, both by sea and land, as the place above mentioned, was certainly very impolitic, as was fully proved by the loss of so many useful subjects; for their returnto this province again cannot be expected. The government of Rekheng will certainly take warning from its remissness, and use proper means to prevent a second escape. The loss of these people would have been effectually prevented, had they been settled inland in the northern parts of the province, from whence it could not have been so easy for them to go to Rekheng, nor would the rajah of that country have had it so much in his power to send his agents among them to entice them away, which is strongly suspected to have been partly the cause of their return.
We are traditionally informed, that the people of Rekheng have, from time Immemorial, plundered the southern parts of Bengal, and carried the inhabitants into slavery; that they have even been so hostile as to descend on the coast of Chittagong, proceed into the country, plunder and burn the villages, destroy what they could not carry away, and ake slaves of the inhabitants. The vestiges of a fortification that once surrounded the town of Islaamabad still remain; and it is well known that this fortification was not
---------------------------------
Thick woods, or forests An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 147 only intended as a place of refuge to the inhabitants of the country, but also to secure the inhabitants of the town from being pillaged by these invaders, to such lengths did they then proceed.
Before this province was ceded to the Company, the government was at an immense expence to maintain a marine and land force to repel the Mugs; but the great extent of
Chittagong coast made it impossible to prevent their landing on some part of it, and carrying off considerable booty, It is surprising that the governement did not perceive, that the only effectual way to put a stop to these invasions, would have been to attack the invaders in their own country, which is both near, and of easy access. For some time, after the cession of this province to the Company, it was found necessary to keep considerable force for its protection; but the government being at that time less supine than formerly, was not contented with barely repulsing the invaders, which was the case before, except in a very few instances, but followed them to sea, and soon made them desist from their invasions. Since that time till very lately, an interval of thirteen or fourteen years14, they have been pretty quiet; but as it is not said that we gave them any very remarkable defeat, and as it is certain we never invaded their country, I cannot attribute their peaceable behaviour, for so long a time, solely to their fear of the English force, but suppose it must have been partly owing to an invasion of their country by another nation, to a dearth or epidemic disease, or to change in their government; but to whatever cause it was owing, it is certain, as I said before, that they did not attack this province for a considerable time.
It is said, that the great extent of country, now called the Sunderbunds, was formerly populous and well cultivated; and that its present condition is solely owing to the Mugs, many of the inhabitants having been carried into slavery and that the remainder fled from it to avoid a like fate15.
To attempt to prove the dishonour and loss to our government by tamely suffering such depredations, would be superfluous; both are too evident even to need being pointed at. All that I shall say on this head at present is, that I am fully convinced that these violences may be easily prevented, a great number of very useful subjects restored to freedom and their country, and, perhaps, many other advantages that cannot now be perceived, may accrue to the Company at a trivial, or even no expense, by a wellconducted attack on Rekheng, A nest of pirates, enemies to mankind, and to the peace and commerce of Bengal, will be thereby destroyed. I think I may venture to predict, that the longer they continue unattacked, the more powerful and courageous they will become, till at last it will be found necessary for the immediate preservation of the southern parts of Bengal, to enter into an expesive, and perhaps a bloody war with them. It must be a very considerable armed force, acting only on the defensive, to defend even the coast of Chittagong from invasion. But how can the security of this 148 Major R. E. Roberts
whole province protect the inhabitants of the islands, and other southern parts of Bengal?
When Mahabut Jung was subahdar16 of Bengal, Sadacut Mchamud Khan was naib subahn17 of ali the southern parts, as far west as Hijli18. He planned an expedition against Rekheng, which being approved by the nabob, he raised an army of 12,000 men, consisting of 100 horsemen, 500 bildars (pioneers), 2,500 coolies; and the remaining number of infantry of different denominations, His artillery consisted often pieces of cannon. With this army he marched towards Rekheng; the bildars, and a certain number of coolies, preceded in one day's march, in order to clear the road. The ammunition and provisions were conveyed as far as Rawmoo, in 400 boats, and there landed, to be carried with the army. The boats then proceeded to the river Nawf, to assist the army in passing it. The army arrived at that river after nineteen days marching; and were on the point of passing it, when an order came from Mahabut Jung for the army to return as fast as possible, This ended an expedition that cost the government upwards of 80.000 rupees! The order was obtained by the influence of Sadacut Mohamud Khan's enemies at the durbar, who made the nabob believe that the naib subah intended to make himself independent by the conquest of Rekheng; and that he would so strengthen himself by that conquest, as to be able to support himself in the independent sovereignty of both that country and Chittagong. The road from Islaamabad to Rawmoo, which the army was eleven days marching, was very bad; but from thence to the river Nawf, it marched on the sea-beach, which was all the way, so level, that a one horse chaise might have gone on it. The Nawf is the limit of Chittagong, and divides it from Rekheng. It is so broad, that in the clearest weather nothing on the opposite side can be seen; but only the entrance of it is here meant, as it is not known that any one ever went up to it. It is thought to communicate with Pegue; but this is merely a conjecture of me natives of this province.
After the return of the army, some natives of Bengal, who had made their escape from Rekheng, reported, that when it was known there that the nabob's army was on its march to that country, the rajah and most of the inhabitants fled to the hills and woods;but that a small garrison was left in the fort, who were also soon struck with a panic, quarrelled amongst themselves, and at last deserted the fort. Some time before Sadacut Mohamud Khan went on the expedition against Rekheng, he received advice that two fleets of Mug boats were seen going to the south of the islands; that one of them, consisting of fifty or sixty boats, appeared to be going to Luckipore, by the way of Deccan Shahbazpore19; and that the other fleet, of eighty or one hundred boats, was going towards the Sundcrbunds20, Soon after, farther intelligence came that the last-mentioned fleet was lying in Bengun Gunge Nullah, in the Sunderbunds; on which the naib subah went there, with seventy or eighty armed boats, and arrived at the entrance of the Nullah when it was low water, and the Mug boats An Account of Arakan (réimpression) 149 stranded. He attacked them, killed many of them, took fifty boats, and 2,200 prisoners, who were employed in the buildings at Mootejeel. What became of the other fleet of Mug boats is not certainly known; but it is thought they got intelligence of the defeat of their countrymen, and returned as fast as possible to Rekheng, It was in consequence of the appearance of these fleets, that the expedition against Rekheng was planned.
[Post-scriptum]
Islaamabad, June 1777
Since writing the above, the persons who were lately sent to Rekheng with a letter are returned. They report, that on their arrival, Kuddul Poree, the rajah, ordered them to be confined till he returned from subduing a rebellion raised by one of his zemindars21; and he, at the same time, promised to give them an answer to their letter. Soon after the rajah was killed by the zemindar, who seized on the government and ordered them to be put to death as spies; but that by paying twenty-five rupees, they were permitted to escape, They farther say, that the people of Rekheng were in expectation of an English force coming against it, and that the native inhabitants were in great fear.
When these messengers, in going to Rekheng, arrived at the Nawf, they travelled for some time along its banks to the eastward, and very soon came to a part of it that is not broader than the .Chittagong river, near the town; over which they crossed with ease.
Notes
1. Terme anglo-indien qui design e une unite de mesure de poids ou de capacite largement repandue en Inde. D'aprcs les indications du Hobscm-Jobson, la valeur du seer variait selon les regions entre 226 et 1400 grammes. La regulation de 1833 le donne comme pesant 1 135 g, Le seer etait divise en 16 chhitak.
2. ll s'agit de la riviiere Aungdat.
3. Ll pourrail s'agir d'un certain Taj Muhammad dont la presence dans le district de
Chittagong est signale par Serrajuddin en 1782, II s'agissait d'un refugie qui avait
beneficie d'unc donation de terres.
4. D'apres Ie Hobson-Jobson, ce tenme d6signe un ponier ou concierge. 150 Major R. E. Roberts
5. Ce terrne recouvrait des fonctions assez diverse en Inde qui vont du Premier
minister a I’ administrateur local. Au Bengale, il designait un serviteur charge des affaires domestiques d'une grande maison ou d`un commerce. C'est le sens qui
nous parait le plus probable ici.
6. 1775. Nous n'avons rien trouve dans les sources arakanalses sur cese`venemems,
7. Cette breve notice ethnographique sur les montagnards Chin estpeut-etre la
premiere information que nous ayons sur cette population. Ces deportations sent aussi documentors dans les sources arakanaises.
8. Couteau avec un manche long et une lame incurvee utilise pour couper des branches d'arbrcs.
9. Un pun est l'equivalent d'une livre. Si on admet qu'il s’agit ici d'une livre a 16
onces, un pun correspondait a 453,6 g,
10. Une roupie indienne equivalait a 16 annas.
11. Si l’on prend en compteles valeurs minimale et maximale du maunds et du seer,un repas peut etre estime` entre 638 et 852 g.
12. Le maund etait une mesure de poids exiremement variable suivant les regions
de l`lnde, allant de 2 a 160 livres. Nous admettons qu'il faut prendre en
consideration le maund du Bengate qui valait, suivant une citation de 1760figurant dans Hobson-Jobson (p. 565), 75 livres, c`est-a'-dire environ 34 kilos,
13. Chocoria; localite’ au nord de Ramu, connue depuis le xvI siecle.
14. C`esi-a-dire entre 1763 et 1777,
15. Les voyageurs europeens du xvii siecle comme Bemier, Schouten ou Manrique y
font reference, notamment en rapport avec les Portugais qui prenaient part & ces
aetivites,
16. Gouverneur mogol.
17. Un naib (gouverneur adjoint ou delegue) Sadaqat Muhammad Khant fils de Agha
Baqer Khan, figure sur une liste d'officiers mogols tiree du Tarikh-i-Chatgaon de
Maulvi Hamidullah Khan (voir Qanungo 1986, 456),
18. Voir Manrique 1927, 13 n, 1 et 438. Cette localite au Nord-Ouest de la baie du
Bengale n'existe plus maintenant,
19. Cette ile se trouve a` l’embouchure du Gange et de la Meghna.
20. C`est-a-dire qu'elle s'orientait plus vers l’Ouest,
21. Nous supposons qu 'il s'agit de I 'affrontement avec le general On Cun, fin mai
1777 (Candamalalankara 1931 (vol. 2), 284).
The Burmese military has clearly embarked on a policy of ridding the country of ethnic Rohingyasby any possible means. Official claims that the refugees are "illegal immigrants"-Asia WatchAn enclave is part of a country geographically separated from the main part by thesurrounding foreign territory. A great deal of works has been done by the military’scivilian collaborators on the province of Arakan (Rakhine province) claiming that there isthe existence of an enclave in Burma. Most prominent of the authors is Aye Chan. AyeChan, a native of Burma’s Arakan (Rakhine) province, says there is an enclave inArakan. (1) His work even outlines the common issues of dispute surrounding theRohingyas with the Rakhines. This doesn’t seem to be an ordinary enclave. This enclaveis Aye Chan’s portrayal of Burma's Rohingya people in the Mayu frontier of the Arakanstate. Aye Chan identifies the Rohingyas as thenon-nativ es of Burma who, he claims,illegally settled in this region of Burma’s North-Western province. This paper is adetailed review of the claims.
Aye Chan[1]
AFK JILANI
According to Daulat Kazi" The king made Ashraf Khan his Chief Minister and the commander of his army. One day the king Thiri Thudama (Salim Shah 11) went on hunting expedition with his army. The king with his army stayed there for four months. The chief minister returned to his court with the permission of the king. When Ashraf Khan sat in the court the Mughal, the Pathans and numerous Hindus sat in rows. Asharaf Khan was like full moon in its sixteen parts." Asharaf Khan was virtually in charge of conducting all state affairs.(Missing Links in Arakan History By S.n. Goshal P-258.)Sri Bara Thakur was the Lasker Wazir or war minister or defence minister of the king Narapatigyi (1638-1645 A.D.) The war minister Sri Bara Thakur was blessed with a son by praying to
God.
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ဇြန္လ ၁၇ ရက္ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ Source: guardian.co.uk ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္အတြက္ အနာဂတ္မွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မွာလား၊ က်ရွဳံးမွာလားဆိုသည္ကို ညႊန္ျပေသာ စမ္းသပ္မွဳ တစ... -
"Although mass killings and exterminations of human races were some sort of things that the world experienced during Nazi German p... -
MP U Shwe Maung Explained on Amendment 1982 Citizenship Law on 25 July 2012. MP U Shwe Maung explained on amendment of 1982 Citizenship Law... -
RB News March 31, 2018 Minbya, Arakan State : On March 30 morning, a Prayer Leader or Imam was brutally beaten and injured by a Rakh... -
ရက္စြဲ – ေမ ၂၉ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ သို ့ အယ္ဒီတာ၊ နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာန နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာနမွ ေမလ ၂၉ ရက္ေန ့ ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ ရမ္းျဗဲတြင္ အသက္ ၁၆ ႏွ...
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Read letter here Read history of Rohingya here Download letter PDF here Download History of Rohingya PDF here credi... -
More than 400,000 Rohingya have fled from Myanmar to neighbouring Bangladesh By BBC News September 17, 2017 Myanmar's de ... -
RB News May 17, 2013 Maung Daw, Arakan - After the warnings on Mahasen cyclone had been issued, the displaced Rohingyas from the ... -
12/07/2012 Joint press release HUMANITY GONE ... -
By Dr. Maung Zarni Since the first wave of Rohingya genocide in Feb 1978 which expelled nearly 200,000 refugees from all across Wester...
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