ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္
လြန္ခ့ဲေသာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀ နီးပါး စစ္ပြဲမ်ားကင္းစင္ၿပီး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတည္ၿငိမ္္ခ့ဲေသာ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သည္ လက္ရွိ အရပ္သား အစိုးရသစ္ဟုေခၚေသာ အစိုးရလက္ထက္တြင္ စစ္၏ အနိ႒ာ႐ုံ သတင္းမ်ားကို ၾကားေနရပါသည္။
အထူးသျဖင့္ ကခ်င္၊ ကရင္၊ ရွမ္း ျပည္နယ္ ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ေနၾကပါသည္။ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံက ေက်ာေထာက္ ေနာက္ခံျပဳထားေသာ ကိုးကန္႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔က နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အစီအစဥ္ကုိလက္မခံသျဖင့္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္တပ္က တိုက္ခိုက္ခ့ဲေသာ္လည္း တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရ၏ ျပင္းထန္ေသာ ဖိအားေၾကာင့္ စစ္ပြဲကိုရပ္ဆိုင္းခ့ဲရသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရ ဒုတိယ ႏွင့္ တတိယ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး ေမာင္ေအး ၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရေရႊမန္းတို႔ ကိုယ္တိုင္ ရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္း တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံသို႔ သြားေရာက္၍ မွားပါေၾကာင္း ဝန္ခ်ေတာင္းပန္ခ့ဲရသည္။
လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္တြင္မူ ကခ်င္၊ ကရင္၊ ရွမ္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို စစ္တပ္က ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ စစ္ပြဲ ဆင္ႏြဲေနေသာ္လည္း တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ ေထာက္ခံထားေသာ၊ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးႏွင့္ စစ္အင္အားႀကီးထြားလာေသာ “ဝ” ႏွင့္ “ရွမ္းအခါ” ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကိုမူ စစ္ဆင္ေရး မလုပ္ရဲခ့ဲပါ။ ထို႔အျပင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊ၏ လက္ရင္းတပည့္မ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္ဆပ္ေကာ္မတီ ဥကၠ႒မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ ဝန္ႀကီးေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ေသာင္း၊ ဦးသိန္းေဇာ္တို႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေသာ သမၼတ၏ အစိုးရ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႔ကို “ဝ”ႏွင့္မိုင္းလားေဒသသို႔ ေစလႊတ္ ေဆြးေႏြးခ့ဲရပါသည္။
ထုိသုိ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ ပစ္ခတ္တိုက္ခိုက္မႈ မျဖစ္ရန္ ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး၊ အျပန္အလွန္စကားေျပာႏိုင္ရန္ ဆက္ဆံေရး ဌာန စခန္းမ်ား ဖြင့္လွစ္ေရး၊ ယခင္ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဘက္ သေဘာတူညီခ့ဲၿပီးျဖစ္ေသာ နယ္ေျမမွေက်ာ္လြန္ၿပီး လက္နက္ကိုင္ သြားလာသည့္အခါ ႀကိဳတင္ ညွိႏႈိင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး၊ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဘက္ သေဘာတူညီသည့္ အခ်ိန္ေနရာတြင္ ဆက္လက္ ညိွႏႈိင္း ေဆြးေႏြးသြားေရး စသည့္ အခ်က္ ၄ ခ်က္ ကို “ဝ” ႏွင့္ “ရွမ္းအခါ” ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ားျဖင့္ သေဘာတူညီခ့ဲၾကပါသည္။
အဆိုပါ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို အစိုးရဘက္မွ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔၏ နယ္စပ္လုံၿခံဳေရးဝန္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီး ေအာင္သူ ၊ ႀတိဂံတိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ စစ္ဦးစီးမႉး ပထမတန္း ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီးေဇာ္ထြန္းျမင့္၊ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္အစိုးရ အဖြဲ႔၏ ျပည္နယ္ဥပေဒခ်ဳပ္ ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္၊ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးမႉး ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ျမင့္ တို႔က လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုးခ့ဲၿပီး “ဝ” ဘက္မွ ဦးေက်ာက္ကြမ္းအမ္း၊ ဦးေပါက္ယူလ်န္၊ ဦးေအာင္ျမင့္၊ မိုင္းလားအဖြဲ႔မွ ဦးစံေပ့၊ ဦးခန္းေပာာင္၊ ဦးအိုက္ရဲွန္၊ ဦးဇင္ခမ္းေနာ္ တို႔က လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုးခ့ဲၾကသည္။
၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္က နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ကို လက္မခံလွ်င္ “ဝ” ႏွင့္ “ရွမ္းအခါ” ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ား စစ္ေရးအရ ေဆာင္ရြက္လိမ့္မည္ ဟု ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ေျပာဆိုခ့ဲေသာ္လည္း ယေန႔အခ်ိန္အခါတြင္ ကခ်င္၊ ကရင္၊ ရွမ္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို စစ္ေရးအရ ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ အေရးယူခ့ဲၿပီး “ဝ” ႏွင့္ “ရွမ္းအခါ” ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကိုမူ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး စာခ်ဳပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ့ဲသည္။
“ဝ” ႏွင့္ “ရွမ္းအခါ” ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ားသည္ ကခ်င္လြတ္လပ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ႏွင့္ အျပန္အလွန္ အကူညီေပးေရး သေဘာ တူညီထားခ့ဲေသာ္လည္း ကတိကဝတ္ကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ၿပီး အစိုးရႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းခ့ဲသည္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ အဓိက လူမ်ိဳးႀကီးမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ကခ်င္၊ ကယား၊ ကရင္၊ ခ်င္း၊ မြန္၊ ဗမာ၊ ရခိုင္၊ ရွမ္း တို႔၏ တည္ၿငိမ္္ ေအးခ်မ္းမႈကို လ်စ္လ်ဴ႐ႈထားၿပီး တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း အမ်ားစုေနထိုင္ေသာ “ဝ” ႏွင့္ အခါ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆာင္ရြက္ ေနသည္မွာ အစိုးရ႒ ရိုးသားမႈ မရွိျခင္းက ထင္ရွားေနသည္။
ယေန႔ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသည္ လြတ္လပ္၍တက္ၾကြေသာ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးေပၚလစီကို က်င့္သုံးေနသည္ဟု ဆိုေသာ္လည္း တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ ကိုလိုနီကြ်န္ႏိုင္ငံ ဘဝသို႔ ေရာက္မွန္းမသိ ေရာက္ေနရပါၿပီ။ အစိုးရသစ္က ျပည္တြင္းအေရး ကိစၥမ်ားကိုပင္ တ႐ုတ္တို႔၏ မ်က္ႏွာ ၾကည့္ၿပီး အလုပ္လုပ္ေနရသည္မွာ ရင္နာစရာေကာင္းလွေပသည္။ ယခုအခ်ိန္မွ တ႐ုတ္တို႔ကို ခ်ိန္ခြင္လွ်ာညွိႏိုင္ေအာင္ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ပလူးပလဲ လိုက္လုပ္ေနရသည္မွာလည္း ရွက္ဖို႔ေကာင္းပါသည္။
ႏိုင္ငံ၏အင္အားသည္ ျပည္တြင္းမွာသာရွိသည္ဟူ၍ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ေၾကြးေၾကာ္ေနေသာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ႀကီးမ်ား ဘာေၾကာင့္ ကိုယ့္ ေသြးရင္း သားခ်င္းေတြကို စစ္ျပန္တိုက္ေနၾကပါသလဲဟု ေမးလိုပါသည္။
အႏွစ္၂၀ နီးပါး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ့ဲၿပီးမွ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ တပ္မေတာ္၊ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ အမ်ားျပည္သူ ေဘးဒုကၡေရာက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေနရပါသနည္း။ ကိုးကန္႔၊ ဝ ၊ အခါ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကိုပင္ နားလည္မႈေပးႏိုင္လွ်င္ မူရင္း လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္၊ ပင္လံုစာခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတူ ရယူခ့ဲၾကသည့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားကို အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ “ဝ” ႏွင့္ အခါ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကဲ့သို႔ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မ်ိဳးမ်ား မေပးႏိုင္သနည္း ဆိုသည္ကိုလည္း ေမးလိုပါသည္။
စာေရးသူသည္ စစ္ဝတ္စုံဝတ္၍ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း၂၅ ႏွစ္ခန္႔ ၊ စစ္ဝတ္စုံခြ်တ္၍ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ မဆလ အစိုးရ ႏွင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အစိုးရ လက္ထက္တြင္ အမႈထမ္းခ့ဲရသူ တဦးျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားအေရးကို ႏွစ္အတန္ၾကာ ကုိင္တြယ္ခ့ဲရပါသည္။
စာေရးသူတို႔နားလည္ခဲ့သည္မွာ တပ္မေတာ္သားတိုင္းသည္ စစ္တပ္္တြင္ စတင္ ဝင္ေရာက္ အမႈထမ္းစဥ္ ကတည္းက အလံကိုင္ၿပီး သစၥာျပဳခ့ဲၾကသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။ အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ေျပာရလွ်င္ တပ္မေတာ္သည္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ျပည္သူလူထု၏ အသက္အိုးအိမ္ စည္းစိမ္ကို ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရန္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ကိုယ့္တိုင္းရင္းသားခ်င္း ႏွိပ္စက္သတ္ျဖတ္ရန္ မဟုတ္သကဲ့သို႔ လူတစု တဖြဲ႔ အတြက္ အသံုးခ်ရန္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားေသာ အာဏာရွင္၏ တပ္မေတာ္လည္း မဟုတ္ပါ။
စစ္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ပါက ႏွစ္ဘက္လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား က်ဆုံးရသကဲ့သို႔ အျပစ္မ့ဲျပည္သူမ်ားလည္း ဒုကၡေရာက္ စစ္ေဘး စစ္ဒဏ္ ခံရ စၿမဲပင္။ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားတြင္ က်ဆုံးရသည္မွာ တပ္မေတာ္ဘက္တြင္ဆုိပါက အရာရွိအငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ အျခားအဆင့္ဟုေခၚေသာ အရာခံ၊ အၾကပ္၊ တပ္သား အမ်ားစု ျဖစ္သည္။ အရာရွိႀကီးမ်ား ေသသည္မွာ အလြန္နည္းပါသည္။
ထို႔အျပင္ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးမ်ား၏ ေဆြးမ်ိဳးမ်ား၊ တပည့္သားေျမးမ်ားသည္လည္း ေသေဘးမွေဝးသည့္အျပင္ ေနရာေကာင္းမ်ား ရရွိၿပီး မိသားစုမ်ားပါမက်န္ တိုက္တာ အိမ္ကား မ်ားႏွင့္ ႀကီးပြား ခ်မ္းသာေနၾကသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အသက္စြန္႔ၿပီး တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ ေနၾကသည္ ဆိုသည့္ အရာရွိငယ္ႏွင့္ စစ္သည္မ်ား၏ မိသားစုမ်ားက ေန႔စဥ္ အသက္ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္ ကင္းေဝးေစေၾကာင္း ဆုေတာင္းေနရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ယေန႔ တပ္မေတာ္အတြင္း စစ္ဘက္ရာထူး ယူထားေသာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးမ်ားကို ေလ့လာၾကည့္ပါ။ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္က အစ လက္ေအာက္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား၏ စစ္ေရးစြမ္းရည္သည္ သုည ဟု ေျပာရပါမည္။ ျဖတ္သန္းလာခ့ဲေသာ ငယ္စဥ္ စစ္အရာရွိဘဝကို ေလ့လာၾကည့္မည္ဆိုလွ်င္ အားလုံးနီးပါးသည္ ကိုယ္ေရးအရာရွိ၊ လုံၿခံဳေရးအရာရွိ၊ ဦးစီးအရာရွိ အစရွိသည့္ လူႀကီး အနီးကပ္ၿပီး ေနသူ မ်ားပါသည္။
ထူးထူးခြ်န္ခြ်န္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ခ့ဲသည့္ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ိဳး တဦးတေယာက္မွ ေတြ႔ရမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ ထိုသို႔ေသာ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက အေတြး အေခၚလည္း မရွိ၊ အေျမာ္အျမင္လည္း မရွိ အထက္ကခိုင္းတာပဲ ဆိုၿပီး စစ္တပ္ကို အသုံးခ်ေနမည္ဆိုလွ်င္ တပ္မေတာ္အတြင္း မုဆိုးမ ႏွင့္ ဖခင္မ့ဲ သားသမီးမ်ား တေန႔တျခား မ်ားလာမည္သာျဖစ္သည္။ မစြမ္းမသန္ ဒုကိၡတမ်ား တပ္မေတာ္ အတြင္း ပိုမ်ားလာမည္သာျဖစ္သည္။ မစြမ္းမသန္ ဒုကိၡတ ျဖစ္ၿပီးလွ်င္လည္း မစုိ႔မပုိ႔ နစ္နာေၾကးေပးၿပီး တပ္က ထုတ္ခံရ၊ ကူညီမည့္သူ မရွိပါက လမ္းေဘးေရာက္ၿပီး ေတာင္းစားရသည့္ ဘဝမ်ိဳး ေရာက္ေနသည္။
ထိုသို႔ေထာက္ျပေန၍ စာေရးသူကို တပ္ကိုၿဖိဳခြဲသူဟု စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ားက စြပ္စြဲပါလိမ့္မည္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ အမွန္တရား ဆိုသည္မွာ ျငင္း၍မရပါ။ စစ္သားဆိုသည္ ကိုယ့္ႏိုင္ငံ ကိုယ့္လူမ်ိဳး ကိုယ့္ဘာသာ အတြက္ ဒုကိၡတ ျဖစ္ပါေစ ေနာက္ဆုံး အသက္စြန္႔ရန္အထိ သစၥာဆိုထားသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။
ယခု တိုက္ခိုက္သတ္ျဖတ္ေနရသည္က ကိုယ့္တိုင္းရင္းသားခ်င္းပါ။ လူမ်ိဳးျခားမ်ား မဟုတ္ပါ။ အဓိပၸာယ္မ့ဲသည့္ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္၍ ေထာက္ျပေနရျခင္းပါ။ မတရားသည့္ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားကို စစ္သည္တို႔ လက္မခံရန္ တိုက္တြန္းေနရျခင္းပါ။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္း၊ သစ္ေတာမ်ား၊ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ သတၱဳမိုင္း သစ္ေတာမ်ား စသည္တို႔ကရသည့္ ျပည္သူ႔ဘ႑ာေငြျဖင့္ ဝယ္ခ့ဲသည့္ စစ္လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ား၊ အေျမာက္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေနျခင္းမွာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ား၏ အေျပာတမ်ိဳး အလုပ္တမ်ိဳးႏွင့္ စစ္တပ္ကို နာမည္ ပ်က္ရန္ အသံုးခ်ေနျခင္းကို ေတြ႔ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
စာေရးသူကိုယ္တိုင္ ကရင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေစာဘိုျမ ၊ ကခ်င္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးေဇာ္မိုင္၊ မြန္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ႏိုင္ေရႊက်င္ တို႔ႏွင့္ ရင္းရင္း ႏွီးႏွီး စကားေျပာဆိုခ့ဲဖူးပါသည္။ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ အဓိပၸာယ္မ့ဲ ေသဆုံးခ့ဲၾကရသူတုိ႔၏ အေလာင္းမ်ားကို ဆက္လိုက္မည္ ဆိုပါက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေတာင္ဘက္ျခမ္းက ေျမာက္ဘက္ျခမ္း အထိ ဆက္ေနေလာက္ၿပီ၊ ဒီလိုအဓိပၸာယ္မ့ဲသည့္ ကိစၥမ်ားကို ရပ္စဲၿပီး ၿငိမ္းၿငိမ္း ခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ျဖစ္ရန္အတြက္ စကားေျပာရန္ အခ်ိန္ေရာက္ၿပီဟု သူတို႔၏ ခံယူခ်က္ကို စာေရးသူအား ေျပာျပခ့ဲဖူးပါသည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ားက ပင္လုံစာခ်ဳပ္မွသည္ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရမ်ားသည္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအေပၚတြင္ လိမ္ညာခ့ဲသည္ဟု ခံစားခ်က္ အသီးသီးရွိၾကပါသည္။ လက္ရွိအေျခအေနကုိ ၾကည့္မည္ဆိုလွ်င္လည္း ၎တို႔ေျပာသည့္အတိုင္း ျဖစ္ေနသည္ကို ေတြ႔ေနရပါသည္။ အစိုးရအသစ္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ကိစၥ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ေရးကိစၥ ေဆြးေႏြး သည္ဟုဆိုေသာ ကတိကို အစိုးရဘက္က ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ၿပီး နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ လုပ္ရန္ အဓမၼ လုပ္ရာမွ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္လာၾကတာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ တရားခံဟာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္သည္။
တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားကို တင္ျပခ်င္တာက ႏွစ္ဘက္ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားသည္ တိုင္းတပါးသားမ်ား မဟုတ္ၾကပါ။ တေျမတည္းေန တေရတည္း ေသာက္ေနၾကသည့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ညီအစ္ကိုေမာင္ႏွမမ်ားပါ။ ဘယ္သူ ေသေသ မေကာင္းပါ။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ အေမြဆိုးေၾကာင့္သာ တဦး ႏွင့္တဦး သတ္ျဖတ္ေနၾကရတာပါ။
တဘက္ႏွင့္တဘက္ နားလည္မႈေပးႏိုင္ရန္ အဓိက လိုပါသည္။ ေအာက္ေျခ စစ္သည္ခ်င္း တဦးႏွင့္တဦး ရန္သူက့ဲသုိ႔ မဆက္ဆံၾကေတာ့ဘူးဆိုပါက စစ္ပြဲမ်ား ရပ္စဲသြားပါလိမ့္မည္။
လြန္ခ့ဲေသာလပိုင္းေလာက္က တပ္မေတာ္ တပ္ရင္းတရင္းလုံး KIA ႏွင့္ နားလည္မႈ ရသြားသည္႔အခါ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ားက တပ္ရင္းမႉးမ်ားမွလြဲ၍ မည္သူကိုမွ် အေရးမယူဝ့ံသည့္ ျဖစ္စဥ္ ရွိခ့ဲပါသည္။
ကခ်င္၊ ကရင္၊ ရွမ္း လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားကို ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္သည္မွာ - တပ္မေတာ္ထဲတြင္လည္း တိုင္းရင္းသား အမ်ားႀကီးရွိပါသည္၊ လူမ်ိုဳးေရးကို ေရွ႕တန္းမတင္ဘဲ စဥ္းစားဆုံးျဖတ္ေစခ်င္ပါသည္၊ မလႊဲသာ၍ တဦးႏွင့္တဦး ပစ္ၾကခတ္ၾကသည္မွလြဲၿပီး နားလည္ မႈေပးၾကရန္ လိုပါသည္။
ျပႆနာအားလုံး၏ အဓိကတရားခံ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးမ်ားကို ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္သည္မွာ - တိုင္းျပည္ကို ျပန္ၾကည့္ပါ၊ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေဘးစစ္ဒဏ္ သင့္ၿပီး ျပည္သူျပည္သားမ်ားသည္ ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡ ဒဏ္ရာမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည့္ေနပါၿပီ။ ရွိေနသည့္ မာန္ မာနမ်ားကို ခဝါခ်သင့္ေနပါၿပီ။
ရရွိခ့ဲၿပီးသား တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကိုလည္း “ ဝ” ၊ အခါ တို႔ကဲ့သို႔ ျပန္လည္ သေဘာတူသင့္ပါသည္။ မိမိစစ္သည္မ်ား ကိုလည္း ျပန္ၾကည့္ပါ၊ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလး ခါးခ်ိေနၾကၿပီ။ ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံကို ထိုသုိ႔ေသာ စစ္ေရးစြမ္းရည္ႏွင့္ ယွဥ္ႏိုင္ပါ့မလား၊ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံကို တကယ့္ မိတ္အစစ္ႏိုင္ငံဟု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးတို႔ မသတ္မွတ္ႏိုင္ဘူး ဆိုသည္ကို နားလည္ပါသည္။
ယခု ႏိုင္ငံေရးကစားကြက္မ်ား သစ္ဆန္းလာျခင္းမွာ ေကာင္းပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ကိုယ့္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားကိုေတာ့ ထိုသို႔မလုပ္ပါႏွင့္၊ စကားေျပာၾကည့္ပါ။ တဖက္သတ္မဆက္ဆံပါႏွင့္၊ ယံုၾကည္မႈရရွိရန္ လိုပါသည္။
သိကၡာရွိသည့္ အစိုးရဟု ႏိုင္ငံတကာတြင္ လူရာဝင္ခ်င္ပါက ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ၏ ယံုၾကည္မႈ ရရန္လည္း လိုပါသည္။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ ဆိုပါက ယခင္ စစ္အစိုးရေခတ္က လိမ္ညာမႈ မ်ားခဲ့၍ ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုလည္း လိမ္ညာေနတုန္း။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမရွိ၊ ကေလး စစ္သားမရွိ ဟူ၍ ျဖစ္သည္။
သမၼတႀကီး ေျပာသည့္အတိုင္း လုပ္ႏိုင္ပါေစဟု ဆႏၵျပဳပါသည္။
Credit :U Aung Lin Htut
စာေရးသူ၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္
ယေန႔ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ကံႀကမၼာသည္ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး အား သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေသာ လက္ရွိအစိုးရအသစ္ ႏွင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာအတိုက္အခံလႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္း၊အျပင္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားအခ်ိန္မွီ မေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ မႀကာေသာကာလတြင္ တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ကိုလိုနီျဖစ္လာလိမ့္မည္႔ အေရးႀကိဳတင္ေဟာကိန္းထုတ္လိုပါသည္။ ေနျပည္ေတာ္အေျခအျမစ္မွလာေသာသတင္းမ်ားအရရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္းကဒုတိယသမၼတသီဟသူရဦးတင္ေအာင္ျမင္ဦးတရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံသို႔ လွ်ိဳ႔ဝွက္ခရီးထြက္ခြါသြားေႀကာင္း သိရပါသည္။ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ဆုံေရ ကာတာကိစၥအတြက္ ေဆြးေႏြးရန္သြားေႀကာင္း အတည္ျပဳဆဲသတင္းမ်ားအရ သိရပါသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီး ဦးဝဏၰေမာင္လြင္ ကေတာ့ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံ ဝါရွင္တန္ျမိဳ႔ သို႔ေရာက္ရွိေနျပီး သမၼတအိမ္ေတာ္မွတာဝန္ရွိသူမ်ားႏွင့္သမၼတ၏အထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ DerickMitchell တို႔ႏွင့္ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြး ေနျပီျဖစ္ပါသည္။
တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံ သည္ ဖိလစ္ပိုင္၊ ဗီယက္နမ္၊ မေလးရွား၊ ဘရူႏိုင္း တို႔ႏွင့္ျပႆနာျဖစ္ေနေသာ South China Sea အတြင္း Spratly ကြ်န္းစုအေရးကိစၥ ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အာဆီယံအဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အား တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံဘက္မွေထာက္ခံရန္ ရပ္တည္ေပးရန္သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ကိုဖိအားေပးလ်က္ ရွိေႀကာင္း သိရပါသည္။ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ အေနျဖင့္ တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္ကို လက္ခံလိုစိတ္မရွိေႀကာင္း အာဆီယံႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ သာလက္တြဲသြားလိုသည္႔ဆႏၵရွိသျဖင့္ တရုပ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားမေႀကမနပ္ ျဖစ္ေနႀကပါသည္။ Spratly ကြ်န္းစုအေရးကိစၥ ျဖစ္ေနေသာႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအေနျဖင့္လည္း လက္ရွိအေနအထားအရ တရုပ္တို႔ကို ရင္ဆိုင္ရန္ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံ ထံမွ စစ္ေရးအကူညီရေရး ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ေနႀကပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေနျဖင့္မူ တရုပ္ ႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရကို ေပၚေပၚထင္ထင္ မဆန္႔က်င္ရဲသလို လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မွဳမ်ားေႀကာင့္ အေမရိကန္အစိုးရ ကိုခ်ဥ္းကပ္ရန္ မဝံ့မရဲျဖစ္ေနရသည္႔ အေျခအေနမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေနပါသည္။
ထို႔အျပင္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊ ၏ တစ္ဦးတည္းမွားယြင္းစြာဆံုးျဖတ္ခ့ဲမွဳေႀကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ သည္ တရုပ္အစိုးရ ၏ လက္ေဝခံဘဝေရာက္ခ့ဲရပါသည္။ စာခ်ဳပ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို တရုပ္တို႔အလိုက် လက္မွတ္ထိုးေရးထိုးေပးခ့ဲရသျဖင့္ လက္ရွိ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရသည္ ခ်ီတုတ္ခံထားရသည္႔ သေဘာျဖစ္ေနပါသည္။ တရုပ္တို႔၏ ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္အတိုင္း သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရသည္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသရွိ ”ဝ“ ႏွင့္မိုင္းလားလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကိုယခင္အေျခအေနမ်ားအတိုင္းေနထိုင္ခြင့္ျပဳရန္ သေဘာတူညီခ့ဲရပါ သည္။ ယေန႔ ျမန္မာတစ္မ်ိဳးလံုး၏ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးကိစၥျဖစ္ေသာ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ကယ္တင္ေရး သည္ အစိုးရအာဏာပိုင္အမ်ားစုအပါဝင္ တစ္မ်ိဳးသားလုံး၏ ေတာင္းဆိုမွဳေႀကာင့္ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ အေနျဖင့္ေရကာ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးကိုရပ္တ့ံရန္ဆႏၵရွိေႀကာင္းသိရပါသည္။သို႔ေသာ္တရုပ္အစိုးရ ဘယ္လိုတံု႔ျပန္မလဲဆိုတာ ေစာင့္ႀကည္႔ရေပဦးမည္။ ယခင္အစိုးရလက္ထက္ တရုပ္တို႔ႏွင့္ သေဘာတူလက္မွတ္ထိုးခ့ဲသည္႔ ကိစၥျဖစ္ေန၍ တရုပ္တို႔၏သေဘာထားကိုျပန္လည္ေမးျမန္းဘို႔လိုသလိုကုန္က်သံုးစြဲျပီးေငြေႀကးမ်ား မည္က့ဲသို႔ေဆာင္ရြက္မည္ ဆိုသည္ကိုလည္းညွိႏွိဳင္းရေပဦးမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထို႔ေႀကာင့္ သီဟသူရဦးတင္ေအာင္ျမင္ဦး တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံသို႔ သြားေနရပါသည္။
ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ဆုံေရ ကာတာ တည္ေဆာက္မွဳ ကိစၥ အတြက္ ျမန္မာပညာရွင္မ်ား တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံသိ့႔သြားေရာက္စဥ္ တရုပ္တာဝန္ရွိသူမ်ားမွ ေရကာတာတည္ေဆာက္မွဳေႀကာင့္ ဆိုးက်ိဳးမ်ားျဖစ္လာမည္ကိုသိရွိျပီး ျဖစ္ေသာလည္း ဘာေႀကာင့္လုပ္ရသလဲဆိုေတာ့”မင္းတို႔အစိုးရကိုယ္တိုင္သေဘာတူလို႔ငါတို႔လုပ္တာ၊မင္းတို႔အစိုးရကိုမင္းတို႔ အျပစ္တင္၊မင္းတို႔အခ်င္းခ်င္းျပႆနာျဖစ္တာငါတို႔ႏွင့္မဆိုင္ဘူး၊ငါတို႔ကေတာ့အက်ိဳးအျမတ္ရွိရင္ ဘာမဆို လုပ္ မွာဘဲ” လို႔ေျပာလႊတ္လိုက္ေႀကာင္းသိရပါသည္။ အကယ္၍ တရုပ္အစိုးရက ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ဆုံေရ ကာတာ တည္ေဆာက္မွဳ ရပ္စဲေရးကို သေဘာမတူခ့ဲဘူးဆိုလွ်င္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဘာဆက္လုပ္ႀကမလဲဆိုတာကိုလဲ စဥ္းစားထားဘို႔လိုမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သို႔ပါ၍ ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ကယ္တင္ေရးအတြက္ လက္ရွိေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး အခ်ိန္ဆြဲ မည္ဆိုပါက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသည္မႀကာမွီ တရုပ္တို႔၏ရန္အႏၱရယ္ ႏွင့္ရင္ဆိုင္ရလာႏိုင္ေႀကာင္းသံုးသပ္ တင္ျပအပ္ ပါသည္။
၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာ လ ၂၉ ရက္
ဝါရွင္တန္ျမိဳ႔
Credit :U Aung Lin Htut
ႏွစ္ ၃၀ လွ်ပ္စစ္ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ စီမံကိန္းအရ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္ စီမံကိန္း ၆၄ ခုႏွင့္ ေက်ာက္မီးေသြး လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အား စက္ရံု ၃ ရံု အပါအဝင္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အား ထုတ္လုပ္ရန္ စက္တပ္ဆင္အား ေလးေသာင္းေက်ာ္ ထုတ္လုပ္ႏိုင္သည့္ အလားအလာ ရွိပါသည္။
အဆိုပါ စီမံကိန္းမ်ားတြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ေမခႏွင္ ့မလိခ ျမစ္ဝွမ္းရွိ ဧရာဝတီ ျမစ္ဆံု စီမံကိန္း ၈ ခု အပါအဝင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တရုတ္ျပည္သူ႕သမၼတႏိုင္ငံ ေငြအရင္းအႏွီးျဖင့္ ဧရာဝတီ ျမစ္ဆံု ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္ စီမံကိန္း ပထမအဆင့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္လ်က္ရွိရာ ယခုအခါ အဆိုပါျမစ္ဆံု စီမံကိန္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျပည္သူလူထုအတြင္း ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈမ်ား ရွိပါသည္။
(၁) ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ျမစ္ဆံုပိုင္းအတြက္ သဘာဝေပးထားေသာ Lank Mark မ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္ ျမစ္ဆံု သဘာဝအလွ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားႏိုင္ျခင္း
(၂) ျမစ္ညာပိုင္းရွိ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေက်းရြာမ်ား ေရျမဳပ္၍ ၎တို႕၏ အသက္ေမြးဝမ္းေၾကာင္းမ်ား ဆံုးရႈံးပ်က္စီးႏိုင္ျခင္း
(၃) ပုဂၢလိက ေငြအရင္းအႏွီးမ်ား စိုက္ထုတ္၍ စီးပြားျဖစ္ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးထားသည့္ ကၽြန္းခင္းႏွင့္ ရာဘာခင္းမ်ား ပ်က္စီးသြားႏိုင္ျခင္း
(၄) ရာသီဥတု ေဖာက္ျပန္မႈေၾကာင့္ ေျမာက္ဖ်ားပိုင္းရွိ ေရခဲေတာင္မ်ား ၿပိဳျခင္း၊ မိုးသည္းထန္စြာ ရြာသြန္းႏိုင္ျခင္း၊ အင္အားျပင္းထန္ေသာ ငလ်င္မ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာပါက ျမစ္ဆံုေအာက္ပိုင္းရွိ ၿမိဳ႕ရြာမ်ား ေသေၾကပ်က္စီး ဆံုးရႈံးႏိုင္ျခင္း
(၅) ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ ထိခိုက္ပ်က္စီးႏိုင္ျခင္း စသည့္ အခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူ႕အခ်ိဳ႕မွာ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈ ရွိေနသည္ကို ၾကားသိေနရပါသည္။ မိမိတို႕အစိုးရသည္ ျပည္သူမ်ားေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမာက္သည့္ အစိုးရျဖစ္၍ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ဆႏၵကို အေလးထားရပါသည္။ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈမ်ားကို အေလးထား၍ ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးရန္ တာဝန္ရွိပါသည္။ သိုပါ၍ မိမိတို႕ အစိုးရလက္ထက္တြင္ ျမစ္ဆံုဆည္ တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္းကို မျပဳလုပ္ေစဘဲ ရပ္ဆိုင္းထားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အတြက္ လိုအပ္ေနသည့္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အား ရရွိေရးအတြက္ အႏၱရာယ္ မရွိႏိုင္သည့္ အျခားေသာ ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္စီမံကိန္းမ်ားကိုသာ စနစ္တက် ေလ့လာဆန္းစစ္၍ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း မိတ္ေဆြႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္သည့္ တရုတ္ျပည္သူ႕သမၼတႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ခ်ဳပ္ဆိုထားသည့္ အဆိုပါစီမံကိန္းႏွင့္ သက္ဆိုင္ေသာ စာခ်ဳပ္စာတမ္းမ်ားကို မိတ္ဝတ္မပ်က္ေစဘဲ သေဘာတူ လက္ခံ ညႇိႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း ဤလႊတ္ေတာ္သို႕ အသိေပး အေၾကာင္းၾကားအပ္ပါသည္။
သမၼတႀကီး ဦးသိန္းစိန္က ယေန႕က်င္းပေနေသာ ျပည္သူ႕လြတ္ေတာ္သို႔ ေပးပို႕သည့္ ဧရာဝတီ ျမစ္ဆံုစီမံကိန္း ရပ္ဆိုင္းမည္ ဟူေသာအခ်က္ ပါဝင္ေသာ သဝဏ္လႊာကို လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ဖတ္ၾကားေနပံု အသံဖိုင္
By Cyril PAYEN / Dean ADAMS / Régis DESCONCLOIS>>>
This is the sad and disturbing story of a teenage girl from Shan State, Burma. Her parents were shot before her very eyes, and she was then raped by Burmese junta soldiers. Many other women have endured such an ordeal and have sought refuge across the border in Thailand. They claim the Burmese authorities are clearly giving the go-ahead to use rape as a military weapon in operations against ethnic rebellions.
Credit :French 24
Credit :French 24
By Simon Montlake,
It was a clear morning last February when Tay Za boarded his private helicopter to tour a frozen lake in the far north of Burma, where he owns a luxury mountain lodge. The songs from the previous night's outdoor rock concert, a free event he had sponsored, were still ringing in his ears. As the chopper climbed above 15,000 feet he snapped photos of the lake's scalloped surface. Minutes later the pilot lost altitude and crashed-landed on a mountainside.
Tay Za and the crew scrambled free of the wreckage and made a distress call using a Chinese-made phone. Armed with a handful of candy bars and two bottles of water, they began to descend through waist-deep snowdrifts. That night, as the wind howled, five men and one woman huddled together in the lee of a rock at 12,000 feet, calling out to one another every five minutes to stay awake. "I didn't expect to make it," says Tay Za, 47.
It was another three days before they were plucked alive from the mountainside. By then the plight of Tay Za, Burma's richest tycoons, had become international news, and Burmese army and air force units had been deployed in the search, along with a chartered civilian helicopter from Thailand. All six people survived the ordeal with only minor injuries, though a pilot later lost both his feet to frostbite.
Having pulled off one great escape, can Tay Za manage another? His political connections helped him to prosper under military rule in Burma, also known as Myanmar, but also put him on the radar of Western governments that slapped sanctions on companies in his Htoo Group. The U.S. Treasury calls him "an arms dealer and financial henchman of Burma's repressive junta." While his net worth is disputed, his high-roller lifestyle--Italian sports cars, private jets, fine wines--made him an easy target for opponents of a largely faceless dictatorship.
Now that regime has gone, replaced in March by a semicivilian government that has begun to crack open Burma's economy. As a result the ground has shifted under the feet of Tay Za and other tycoons favored by General Than Shwe, the former dictator, to the delight of rival entrepreneurs jostling for openings. "The old cronies are getting passed over, and they're not happy about it," says a foreign economist.
Like Icarus, the Greek symbol of hubris, Tay Za may have flown too close to the sun. Encouraged by his junta patrons, he invested in lossmaking ventures such as aviation, hotels and agriculture, and offset his income from concessions for timber and gems and lucrative import licenses. Now he must manage a bloated empire that is vulnerable to political reversals, while navigating Burma's economic transition and the emergence of new competitors, potentially backed by foreign capital.
Tay Za says he's ready for the challenge. "We love competition ... we want a fair fight only," he tells FORBES ASIA in a rare interview at a Marina Bay Sands hotel suite in Singapore. Dressed in black jeans, a light sweater and loafers, he apologizes for canceling a previous meeting in Yangon (formerly Rangoon), his hometown. During lunch and a two-hour interview he is keen to set the record straight, while remaining coy about his financial status.
In April he told an Italian newspaper that Htoo Group had annual revenues of $500 million, making it one of Burma's largest conglomerates. Tay Za says that he's the largest shareholder in the parent company. But how much profit it generates and how much accrues to its chairman is unclear. Most companies in Burma decline to release financial data and aren't required by law to disclose their shareholdings.
Tay Za is scathing of anti-Burma sanctions in general and of U.S. sanctions that exempted Chevron, which together with Total operates Burma's largest producing gas field. Western governments have distorted the facts, he insists. He claims that he's sold only helicopters to the military--"no guns, no ammunition"--and isn't a prodigal relation of Than Shwe, as rumored. "I'm not a son-in-law of General Than Shwe. I'm not an arms dealer."
So who is Tay Za?He was born in 1964 to an army officer, a protégé of General Aung San, Burma's independence hero whose wartime alias was "Teza," a Sanskrit word that means radiant or bright (Tay Za is an alternative spelling). In 1947 a political rival assassinated Aung San on the eve of independence from Great Britain, but the two families remained close. His daughter Aung San Suu Kyi would later eclipse her father's global fame.Following in the footsteps of his father, Tay Za enrolled at Burma's army cadet school. But in his third year he dropped out to marry his girlfriend against the wishes of both families (they separated in 2000). Back in Yangon he dabbled in business before being swept up in the events of 1988, when popular rage erupted against military rule and Suu Kyi emerged as an opposition leader. "This is our generation," says Tay Za, who joined street marches. He says Suu Kyi later stayed at his family compound outside Yangon, and was driven around in his car, before she was arrested in 1989.
The following year Tay Za founded Htoo Trading, which uses the name of his wife's family, respected merchants whose businesses had atrophied under socialism. He began by leasing a rice mill from his mother-in-law. Then he moved into timber at a time when large concessions near the border with Thailand were being auctioned off. Instead of competing with Thai bidders for easily accessible plots, Tay Za applied to log in remote areas far from the border. He extracted logs at $10 each that were later sold for $500 or more. "I was the biggest extractor in Myanmar," he says.
Yet even this apparent smart bet was greased by political connections. His father, a retired lieutenant colonel, was working for the Ministry of Industry and urged him to bid for the concessions. "My father told me ... the government floor price is too cheap. Whatever you have, you invest," he recalls. Timber remains a valuable division of Htoo Group, netting $75 million in profit in 2007, according to a leaked U.S. cable. Tay Za says he's no longer the top exporter of wood and is concerned for Burma's shrinking forests. "I try to stop because of the environment," he says.
Windfall profits from timber allowed Tay Za to invest in real estate, including his first hotel. He also began investing in Singapore and considered moving there before the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis but decided that he preferred to put capital into his own country. "If I invest in Singapore, only Singaporeans will benefit," he says.
Over the next decade Htoo Group morphed into a conglomerate with un limited appetite for new ventures. In 2004 it launched Air Bagan, the first private airline in Burma. It also rolled out branded luxury hotels and began leasing heavy machinery. That a timber trader had such deep pockets for capital-intensive projects raised eyebrows in Burma. Rumors spread that he was a bagman for the junta and had a direct line to Than Shwe and his spendthrift family.
Not so, says Tay Za, who denies that he's a nominee. He claims that his only one-on-one meeting with Than Shwe came after the helicopter crash when he thanked him for the rescue. He says his honesty and bluntness, as well as his father's rank, went down well with the junta. "At meetings, whatever I like to talk [about], I talk straightforwardly. Some generals like this very much. Not tricky, no hanky-panky," he says.
Other sources tell of a fortuitous visit by Than Shwe to Tay Za's beach resort that greatly impressed the general. Tay Za also forged an early alliance with Thura Shwe Mann, who rose to become the third-ranking leader in the regime. He first met Tay Za when he was a lowly colonel. Tay Za promptly hired the colonel's son Aung Thet Mann, a director of Htoo Group (both father and son are subject to U.S. sanctions). This was par for the course in Burma. "At the time, you know, all the colonels' sons liked to work at companies," he says.
At first he was infuriated by trade sanctions on his companies. But he argues that Western efforts to starve Burma's rulers of foreign investment have only strengthened his hand and made it harder for competitors to enter the market. "Under these kinds of sanctions, we are much richer," he says.
That argument rings true in a closed economy where generals dole out favors to cronies. But the rules of the game are in flux. Western sanctions crimp Tay Za's access to foreign capital and make him toxic to companies looking for joint-venture partners in Burma. "He needs to rebuild his reputation. He's not starting from zero. It's negative," says a consultant to multinational firms.
Take Htoo's chain of 17 hotels, which enjoys prime spots at Burma's main tourist destinations. Tay Za wants to hire an international management company to operate and rebrand them but hasn't found the right partner, for which he blames sanctions. He says he turned down an offer from a Thai hotel group because he wants a global brand. "I'm not interested in small chains," he says.
In Yangon, a long-neglected city that is slowly shedding its past, Tay Za's mansion is a local landmark. It lies a few blocks from the U.S. embassy and the lakeside villa where Suu Kyi has been detained repeatedly (she was released last November). Tay Za's collection of luxury cars (Ferrari, Rolls-Royce) is visible from the street, and passing taxi drivers point out his palatial home. Sean Turnell, an expert on Burma's economy at Australia's Macquarie University, calls him "an almost pantomime villain, clearly with a keen eye for attention."
Is Tay Za a crony? He frowns. "That's why Myanmar people aren't rich. Whoever comes up, they have so much jealousy. They attack in so many ways and create rumors," he complains.
The rumor mill has been working overtime lately. Burmese entrepreneurs say that Tay Za has run perilously short of cash, particularly since palm-oil imports were liberalized in May, and has tried to sell hotels to raise money. "He's not in a position of strength," says a businessman familiar with the operations.
Tay Za is also said to have received a recent bill for back taxes running into tens of millions of dollars. None of his companies appeared on a recent list of the top ten corporate taxpayers (Kanbawza Bank was first). Tay Za denies any tax evasion. "We pay our taxes," he says. Asked about recent tax bills, he says that he authorized a $2 million payment in early September.
Of Htoo Group's divisions, only timber, real estate and trading turn a profit. Tay Za says he prefers to invest in industries like tourism that create more jobs and diversify Burma's commodity-based economy. He has a reputation as a generous boss who instills loyalty in 40,000 full-time staffers. Hundreds of employees have gone overseas to study, including Burma's first female pilot, and perks quickly accrue to hardworking managers. "Whatever he makes, he shares. He's a fair person," says a Burmese investor with competing interests.
A football enthusiast and club owner, Tay Za often plays in staff matches at his club's training ground. He's also a patron of Burmese music. After lunch with FORBES ASIA he pops on a Burmese music CD, pulls out his guitar and calls over his executives. "I want you to hear this," he says, as he picks out a melody, face scrunched in concentration.
A trawl through leaked U.S. diplomatic cables reveals that Tay Za has defied previous doomsday calls. In March 2009 the U.S. embassy reported that "several of our business contacts believe Tay Za is bankrupt." The following year business circles were said to be "rife with rumors about Tay Za's alleged downfall" and his replacement by "upand-coming cronies."
Even before his helicopter went down, reports of his death seem to have been greatly exaggerated. He may yet have the last laugh.
နိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား လူရႊင္ေတာ္ ကိုဇာဂနာကို အစိုးရက လႊတ္ေပးလိုက္ျပီလို႔ RFA က စုံစမ္း သိရွိရပါတယ္။ တျခား ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ ပါ၀င္ျခင္း ရိွမရွိေတာ့ မသိရေသးပါဘူး။
Photo: thisprisonwhereilive.co.uk
ဟာသသ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ဒါ႐ိုက္တာ ဇာဂနာ ေခၚ ကိုသူရ။ (Photo: thisprisonwhereilive.co.uk)
သူ႔ကို ျမစ္ၾကီးနားေထာင္ ကေန ဒီကေန႔ မႏၱေလးကို ေခၚလာျပီး မနက္ဖန္ မနက္ ေလယဥ္ပ်ံနဲ႔ ရန္ကုန္ေလဆိပ္ကို ေရာက္ရွိမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီသတင္းကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ရရွိတာ ျဖစ္ျပီး မိသားစုေတြကို ၾကိဳတင္ အသိေပးထားျခင္း မရွိပဲ ေနအိမ္ကို ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔က လိုက္လံ ပို႔ေဆာင္မယ္လို႔လည္း သိရပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီသတင္းကို သူတို႔ဘာမွ မသိေၾကာင္း ဒီကေန႕လည္ပိုင္းထိေတာ့ ကိုဇာဂနာ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားေထာင္ထဲမွာ ရွိေနေသးေၾကာင္း ၾကားရတယ္လို႔ ခယ္မျဖစ္သူ မျငိမ္းကေျပာပါတယ္။
ဒီေန႔ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ ျပန္လြတ္လာတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူရႊင္ေတာ္ ကိုဇာဂနာနဲ႕ ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကိုမင္းကို္နုိင္တို႔ ျပန္လြတ္လာသလား ဆိုၿပီး သတင္း မီဒီယာေတြက မိသားစုေတြကို ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္း ေနၾကတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။
ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ကို မိသားစုေတြ သြားမေတြ႔နိုင္တာ ၃ လေလာက္ ရွိေနၿပီး လာမယ့္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္မွာ က်ေရာက္မယ့္ ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ ေမြးေန႔ မတိုင္ခင္ေတာ့ သြားေတြ႔ဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ထားတယ္လို႕ ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ရဲ့ အမျဖစ္သူ ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ညြန္႕ကေျပာပါတယ္။
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႕ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုပြဲနဲ႕ အလုပ္သမားဝန္ၾကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုပြဲေတြမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးဖို႕ ေျပာဆိုေဆြးေႏြး တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚခဲ့ သလို၊ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရရဲ့ နိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ၾကီး ဦးဝဏၰေမာင္လြင္ ကလည္း နိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတ အေနနဲ႕ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒပါ လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႕အညီ သင့္ေတာ္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို လြတ္ျငိမ္း ခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးဖို႕ ရွိေနတယ္လို႕ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြညီလာခံမွာ ေျပာတဲ့ မိန္႕ခြန္းမွာ ထည့္သြင္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္း နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား (၂၀၀) ေက်ာ္ ျပန္လြတ္လာမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚေနစဥ္မွာ အခုလို ကိုဇာဂနာကို အစိုးရက လႊတ္ေပးလိုက္ျပီလို႔ ၾကားရျခင္းပါပဲ။
ဒီသတင္းကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ရရွိတာ ျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ တျခား သတင္းဌာနေတြရဲ႕ အတည္ျပဳခ်က္ေတာ့ မရေသးပါဘူး။
Photo: thisprisonwhereilive.co.uk
ဟာသသ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ဒါ႐ိုက္တာ ဇာဂနာ ေခၚ ကိုသူရ။ (Photo: thisprisonwhereilive.co.uk)
သူ႔ကို ျမစ္ၾကီးနားေထာင္ ကေန ဒီကေန႔ မႏၱေလးကို ေခၚလာျပီး မနက္ဖန္ မနက္ ေလယဥ္ပ်ံနဲ႔ ရန္ကုန္ေလဆိပ္ကို ေရာက္ရွိမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီသတင္းကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ရရွိတာ ျဖစ္ျပီး မိသားစုေတြကို ၾကိဳတင္ အသိေပးထားျခင္း မရွိပဲ ေနအိမ္ကို ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔က လိုက္လံ ပို႔ေဆာင္မယ္လို႔လည္း သိရပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီသတင္းကို သူတို႔ဘာမွ မသိေၾကာင္း ဒီကေန႕လည္ပိုင္းထိေတာ့ ကိုဇာဂနာ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားေထာင္ထဲမွာ ရွိေနေသးေၾကာင္း ၾကားရတယ္လို႔ ခယ္မျဖစ္သူ မျငိမ္းကေျပာပါတယ္။
ဒီေန႔ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ ျပန္လြတ္လာတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူရႊင္ေတာ္ ကိုဇာဂနာနဲ႕ ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကိုမင္းကို္နုိင္တို႔ ျပန္လြတ္လာသလား ဆိုၿပီး သတင္း မီဒီယာေတြက မိသားစုေတြကို ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္း ေနၾကတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။
ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ကို မိသားစုေတြ သြားမေတြ႔နိုင္တာ ၃ လေလာက္ ရွိေနၿပီး လာမယ့္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္မွာ က်ေရာက္မယ့္ ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ ေမြးေန႔ မတိုင္ခင္ေတာ့ သြားေတြ႔ဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ထားတယ္လို႕ ကိုမင္းကိုနိုင္ရဲ့ အမျဖစ္သူ ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ညြန္႕ကေျပာပါတယ္။
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႕ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုပြဲနဲ႕ အလုပ္သမားဝန္ၾကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုပြဲေတြမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးဖို႕ ေျပာဆိုေဆြးေႏြး တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚခဲ့ သလို၊ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရရဲ့ နိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ၾကီး ဦးဝဏၰေမာင္လြင္ ကလည္း နိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတ အေနနဲ႕ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒပါ လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႕အညီ သင့္ေတာ္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို လြတ္ျငိမ္း ခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးဖို႕ ရွိေနတယ္လို႕ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြညီလာခံမွာ ေျပာတဲ့ မိန္႕ခြန္းမွာ ထည့္သြင္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္း နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား (၂၀၀) ေက်ာ္ ျပန္လြတ္လာမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚေနစဥ္မွာ အခုလို ကိုဇာဂနာကို အစိုးရက လႊတ္ေပးလိုက္ျပီလို႔ ၾကားရျခင္းပါပဲ။
ဒီသတင္းကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ရရွိတာ ျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ တျခား သတင္းဌာနေတြရဲ႕ အတည္ျပဳခ်က္ေတာ့ မရေသးပါဘူး။
Credit : RFA Burmese
By:By Walter Lohman and Robert Warshaw
Known globally for headlines about brutal military crackdowns on protestors, incarceration of over 2,000 political prisoners, rampant corruption, ethnic war, press censorship, and shady dealings with North Korea—involving potentially the development of nuclear weapons—the reclusive nation of Burma has recently attracted attention for nominal reforms, among them the November 2010 election that created a “civilian” government and the subsequent release of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.
As most of the rhetoric and “reforms” are either institutional window dressing or have been seen before,[1] they could very well prove nothing more than an extensive public relations campaign ahead of a decision on whether Burma chairs the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. Burma remains far from taking action on the key indicators of real reform. Until it does, the U.S. should hold fast its sanctions and limit future engagement.
Burmese Reforms: Beyond the Surface
Few observers question that last November’s election was farcical at best. President Obama denounced it, asserting that it “failed to meet any of the internationally accepted standards associated with legitimate elections.”[2] Despite widespread criticism, the elections elevated former general and Prime Minister Thein Sein to the presidency.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest and August’s hour-long meeting with Thein Sein were positive steps—but hardly ones taken for benevolent reasons. Simply put, President Thein Sein has likely calculated that her followers no longer threaten his regime, at least not until the 2015 elections. Indeed, with her National League for Democracy party banned from political activism, her movements closely scrutinized, and her appearances restricted, the Nobel Prize winner enjoys only a modicum of freedom. Earlier this month, she published her first article in the Burmese media in many years, yet the government slashed all political reference within it. Meanwhile, over 2,000 political prisoners are still languishing in Burmese prisons.
Burma still ranks abysmally in the annual Freedom House rankings, receiving the lowest score possible. Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index lists Myanmar as the world’s second most corrupt nation,[3] and The Heritage Foundation’s Index of Economic Freedom ranks Burma as Asia’s second-least-free economy, behind only North Korea. Burma has also “failed demonstrably” on counter-narcotics[4] and is “of particular concern” regarding religious freedom.[5] While few expected dramatic change after one year of civilian rule, policymakers should not forget the realities in Burma as characterized by these various rankings.
Frankly, Burma is still miles away from meriting the lifting of sanctions. U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma Derek Mitchell’s recent fact-finding trip to Burma did nothing to change this outlook. Mitchell met separately with government and opposition leaders, discussing a broad range of issues. However, he admitted to “no outcomes that were tangible” and recognized that this trip’s purpose was to engage relevant parties, build relationships, and foster trust.
What Should the U.S. Want from Burma, and What Should It Expect?
What the U.S. should want from Burma is simple: rule of law, respect for internationally recognized human right standards, and stability. This will not happen overnight. At the most realistic levels, the U.S. should want Burma to take demonstrable steps toward developing a genuine democratic system, permitting real political dissent, further loosening restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi, freeing political prisoners, protecting basic human rights, combating its drug trade, and severing its ties with North Korea.
What the U.S. should expect, however, is not so encouraging. The current regime still views maintaining power as its top priority, and without democratic legitimacy, brute force is ultimately its only claim to power. Any genuine challenge to its prerogatives of power will be swiftly extinguished. It will certainly entertain no changes that facilitate such challenge.
Stay the Course
With ASEAN set to decide soon whether Burma will assume the 2014 ASEAN chairmanship, the Burmese regime knows that any political crackdown would seriously jeopardize its standing. To that end, Burma, acting in its national interest, should demonstrate with its actions that its reforms are not merely a public relations campaign.
Until then, U.S. sanctions, outlined through executive orders and congressionally passed mandates,[6] should continue to push Burma toward more substantial political reforms and should not be lifted for the foreseeable future.
Recommendations
- Push for a U.N. Commission of Inquiry for Burma. The Administration has publicly supported the inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes but refrained from exercising any diplomatic influence to make it happen. As currently constituted, this makes it either a cynical ploy to appease human rights groups or another effort at “leading from behind” that is actually not “leading” at all.
- Limit engagement with the Burmese regime to the special envoy level. Two years ago, President Obama accommodated the Burmese junta in order to convene the first ever U.S.–ASEAN Leaders Summit—he consented to attend despite the presence of the Burmese prime minister. If that is the price the U.S. must pay to engage ASEAN as a whole at the head-of-government level, it was a tolerable deal. But that annual meeting is where presidential-level engagement should end.
- Establish concrete, identifiable benchmarks for continued diplomatic engagement. These should include releasing political prisoners, lifting political censorship, ending the regime’s war against ethnic minorities, and measurably improving its overall human rights conditions. Further engagement by Ambassador Mitchell should be contingent on identifiable steps toward these benchmarks.
- Make clear to ASEAN that, under current circumstances, Burma’s 2014 chairmanship is unacceptable. Without major, irreversible political changes in Burma, it is absolutely inconceivable that any U.S. Administration will continue diplomatic engagement through Burma’s chairmanship year. ASEAN should fully understand that if Burma is permitted the chairmanship in 2014, this means no U.S. participation in ASEAN-centered meetings—most notably the U.S.–ASEAN Summit, the East Asia Summit, and the ASEAN Regional Forum—and no new initiatives in the lead-up and through its chairmanship.
Sustain Pressure on Naypyidaw
U.S. sanctions alone have not yielded satisfactory results in Burma, but that does not mean the absence of sanctions would promote reform. In fact, a persuasive argument can be made that a sanctions policy involving the full weight of American diplomacy has never been tried.
Certainly, removing sanctions now would do more to bless the superficial changes that have taken place since 2010 in Burma than they deserve. With the 2014 ASEAN chairmanship in Burma’s sights, a new campaign of U.S.-led pressure, along with continued sanctions, is needed to bring real reform to Burma.
Walter Lohman is Director of, and Robert Warshaw is a Research Assistant in, the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation.
Credit :heritage.org
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (right) addresses high-level meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar
Recent developments bode well for progress in Myanmar, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today, while calling on the new Government to do more to ensure to bring about an inclusive transition.
A new Government was established in the South-East Asian nation six months ago, and more recently the country has received a series of high-level bilateral visits. In addition, President Thein Sein has made a pledge for Myanmar to “catch up with the changing world.”
“Real opportunities for progress exist, but the Government must step up its efforts for reform if it is to bring about an inclusive – and irreversible – transition,” Mr. Ban said in a press statement issued after the ministerial meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar, which was held at UN Headquarters on the margins of the 66th session of the General Assembly.
“In particular, the authorities must cultivate improved dialogue with all political actors and release all remaining political prisoners,” he said.
Mr. Ban said change is not only possible, but necessary, adding that the international community has a responsibility to support Myanmar’s change.
Formed in 2007, the Group of more than a dozen nations and regional blocs is designed to serve as a consultative forum for developing a shared approach in support of the Secretary-General’s good offices mandate on Myanmar.
Meanwhile, Myanmar’s Foreign Minister told the Assembly’s high-level debate today that the Government has launched a series of political, economic and social reforms aimed at improving the welfare of its people, but voiced regret that these efforts are being hampered by international economic sanctions.
Wunna Maung Lwin said that States that imposed unilateral sanctions against Myanmar should lift them now that it has “emerged as a new democratic nation in accordance with the constitution approved by the overwhelming majority of the people.”
He stated that Myanmar attached great importance to the promotion and protection of human rights, and that fundamental rights are guaranteed by the “relevant provisions of the constitution.”
As a gesture of “national reconsolidation,” the Government had last month offered an olive branch to all “national race armed groups,” Mr. Lwin said, adding that some of the groups had accepted the reconciliation offer.
He also highlighted what he said was the granting of an amnesty to 20,000 prisoners by Mr. Sein in May and that all of them had been released by the end of July.
“The President in exercising the mandate vested upon him by the constitution will further grant an amnesty at an appropriate time in the near future.”
The Government is also reaching out to the international community, Mr. Lwin said, pointing out that Myanmar had received visits by heads of State and high-level delegations from regional and international organisations over the past five months. The President also made official visits to Indonesia and China.
Credit : UN News
အေမရိကန္ ဝါရွင္တန္ဒီစီ အေျခစိုက္ US Campaign for Burma မွ အေမရိကန္ျပည္သူေတြ ရဲ့ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုး ေတာင္းဆိုမႈ စာလႊာေပါင္း တေသာင္းသံုးေထာင္ ကို အေမရိကန္ သမၼတအိုဘားမား ထံေပးပို႕လိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။
ဒီစာေတြထဲမွာ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံတြင္း ျဖစ္ပြားေနတဲ့ လူသားထု အေပၚလူမဆန္ စြာ ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္တဲ့ ရာဇဝတ္မႈ ေတြကို သမၼတအိုဘားမား အစိုးရ က ဦးေဆာင္ျပီး အဆံုးသတ္ေစေရး၊ ရာဇဝတ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္သူ ေတြကိုလည္း ကုလသမဂၢ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ မွ ေဖၚထုတ္ အေရးယူေရး ကို အေမရိကန္ ျပည္သူေတြ က လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုး ေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ ၾကတါပါ။
ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ နွစ္က သမၼတ အိုဘားမား က ကုလစံုစမ္းေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ ေပၚေပါက္ေရး ကို အျပည့္အဝ ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ ေပမယ့္ အေျပာနဲ့ တင္ မဟုတ္၊ အလုပ္နဲ့ပါ လက္ေတြ႕ျပဖို႕ေတာင္းဆိုျကတာကို ျမန္မာ့အေရးလႈပ္ရွားတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕က ဉပေဒေရးရာ ဒါရိုက္တာ ဂ်ယ္နီဖါကြစ္ဂလီ က ဘီဘီစီ ကို ေျပာျပပါတယ္။ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ဖက္ကလည္း ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ ေတြ ျပုလုပ္ေနတာ ကို အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရ ကို ေရာ နိုင္ငံတကာ အစိုးရေတြ ကိုပါ ေစာင့္ျကည့္ ေစလိုတဲ့ သေဘာ ေျပာတာကို လက္ခံတဲ့ အသြင္ေဆာင္ပံု ကိုလည္း ဂ်ယ္နီဖါကြစ္ဂလီ က ဘီဘီစီ ကိုရွင္းျပပါတယ္။
ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြညီလာခံ လည္းက်င္းပ ေနျပီမို့ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ထိေရာက္စြာ ေျဖးရွင္းေပး ေရး လိုလားၾကပံု ကို အေမရိကန္ ျပည္သူေတြေရာ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ ဂီတဝိုင္း ယူတူးမွ တီးဝိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဘိုနို ကပါ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္ ေတာင္းဆိုေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Credit : USCB
ဒီစာေတြထဲမွာ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံတြင္း ျဖစ္ပြားေနတဲ့ လူသားထု အေပၚလူမဆန္ စြာ ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္တဲ့ ရာဇဝတ္မႈ ေတြကို သမၼတအိုဘားမား အစိုးရ က ဦးေဆာင္ျပီး အဆံုးသတ္ေစေရး၊ ရာဇဝတ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္သူ ေတြကိုလည္း ကုလသမဂၢ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ မွ ေဖၚထုတ္ အေရးယူေရး ကို အေမရိကန္ ျပည္သူေတြ က လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုး ေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ ၾကတါပါ။
ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ နွစ္က သမၼတ အိုဘားမား က ကုလစံုစမ္းေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ ေပၚေပါက္ေရး ကို အျပည့္အဝ ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ ေပမယ့္ အေျပာနဲ့ တင္ မဟုတ္၊ အလုပ္နဲ့ပါ လက္ေတြ႕ျပဖို႕ေတာင္းဆိုျကတာကို ျမန္မာ့အေရးလႈပ္ရွားတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕က ဉပေဒေရးရာ ဒါရိုက္တာ ဂ်ယ္နီဖါကြစ္ဂလီ က ဘီဘီစီ ကို ေျပာျပပါတယ္။ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ဖက္ကလည္း ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ ေတြ ျပုလုပ္ေနတာ ကို အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရ ကို ေရာ နိုင္ငံတကာ အစိုးရေတြ ကိုပါ ေစာင့္ျကည့္ ေစလိုတဲ့ သေဘာ ေျပာတာကို လက္ခံတဲ့ အသြင္ေဆာင္ပံု ကိုလည္း ဂ်ယ္နီဖါကြစ္ဂလီ က ဘီဘီစီ ကိုရွင္းျပပါတယ္။
ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြညီလာခံ လည္းက်င္းပ ေနျပီမို့ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ထိေရာက္စြာ ေျဖးရွင္းေပး ေရး လိုလားၾကပံု ကို အေမရိကန္ ျပည္သူေတြေရာ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ ဂီတဝိုင္း ယူတူးမွ တီးဝိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဘိုနို ကပါ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္ ေတာင္းဆိုေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Credit : USCB
For Immediate Release
September 26, 2011
Media Contact: Jennifer Quigley at (202) 234 8022
Note: Letter to Ambassador Stephen Rapp is attached.
(Washington DC September 26, 2011) Today the U.S. Campaign for Burma delivered 13,000 petition signatures from American citizens to the Obama administration, calling on them to provide stronger global leadership to end crimes against humanity in Burma. The petition signatures were delivered today to mark the 4th anniversary of Burma’s military regime’s violent suppression of the 2007 Saffron Revolution led by peacefully protesting Buddhist monks.
“A year ago President Obama finally declared his support for an UN Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity in Burma, but he has yet to turn his words into action. Civil war and human rights abuses are escalating in Burma and U.S. leadership is crucial to bringing justice to the country,” said Myra Dahgaypaw, Campaigns Coordinator at the U.S. Campaign for Burma. Dahgaypaw herself was an IDP/refugee for 20 years because of the military regime’s attacks against civilians in Karen State.
In the past seven months civil war has restarted in Northern Burma after decades old ceasefire agreements between the regime and ethnic groups was broken by the Burmese army. This has lead to the displacement of 70,000+ new people as well as an increase in human rights abuses such as sexual violence and forced labor. This is in addition to decades of attacks against ethnic minority civilians resulting in the displacement and destruction of over 3,700 villages. This increase in crimes continues despite the fact that Burma claims to have transitioned into a “civilian” government.
As the Burmese military’s offensives against ethnic troops have gone along with atrocities against innocent civilians in the war zones, Burmese soldiers are destroying ethnic villages; raping women and girls; forcing people into slave labor, leaving them no choice but to flee their homeland. As there is no chance the domestic legal system will protect the abused or prosecute the perpetrators, the calls by the people of Burma to the international community to help them to be free from atrocities have grown much louder.
Over the last few months, USCB members worked together with the band, U2 led by Bono, and organized their fans to sign onto this petition, calling for the United States government to take leadership in organizing other nations to support an UN Commission of Inquiry in Burma, during U2 concerts in several cities in the United States this summer.
“Justice is a crucial part of national reconciliation in any country. Burma cannot move forward until these attacks stop and the rule of law is realized. Four years ago peaceful monks were massacred, and yet the perpetrators of these atrocities have never been held accountable. How long will the Obama administration wait before taking real action to help find justice?” said Aung Din, Executive Director of U.S. Campaign for Burma. Aung Din personally hand delivered the petitions to Ambassador Stephen Rapp, U.S. Ambassador-At-Large for the Office of War Crime Issues at the State Department today.
The U.S. Campaign for Burma is a Washington, DC-based leading coalition of Burmese activists in exile and American human rights campaigners working to promote freedom, justice and democracy and to end crimes against humanity and the culture of impunity in the Southeast Asian country of Burma.
Photo Attached: U.S. Campaign for Burma Executive Director Aung Din with U.S. Ambassador Stephen Rapp
Read the letter to Ambassador Rapp here.
Credit : USCB
September 26, 2011
Media Contact: Jennifer Quigley at (202) 234 8022
Note: Letter to Ambassador Stephen Rapp is attached.
(Washington DC September 26, 2011) Today the U.S. Campaign for Burma delivered 13,000 petition signatures from American citizens to the Obama administration, calling on them to provide stronger global leadership to end crimes against humanity in Burma. The petition signatures were delivered today to mark the 4th anniversary of Burma’s military regime’s violent suppression of the 2007 Saffron Revolution led by peacefully protesting Buddhist monks.
“A year ago President Obama finally declared his support for an UN Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity in Burma, but he has yet to turn his words into action. Civil war and human rights abuses are escalating in Burma and U.S. leadership is crucial to bringing justice to the country,” said Myra Dahgaypaw, Campaigns Coordinator at the U.S. Campaign for Burma. Dahgaypaw herself was an IDP/refugee for 20 years because of the military regime’s attacks against civilians in Karen State.
In the past seven months civil war has restarted in Northern Burma after decades old ceasefire agreements between the regime and ethnic groups was broken by the Burmese army. This has lead to the displacement of 70,000+ new people as well as an increase in human rights abuses such as sexual violence and forced labor. This is in addition to decades of attacks against ethnic minority civilians resulting in the displacement and destruction of over 3,700 villages. This increase in crimes continues despite the fact that Burma claims to have transitioned into a “civilian” government.
As the Burmese military’s offensives against ethnic troops have gone along with atrocities against innocent civilians in the war zones, Burmese soldiers are destroying ethnic villages; raping women and girls; forcing people into slave labor, leaving them no choice but to flee their homeland. As there is no chance the domestic legal system will protect the abused or prosecute the perpetrators, the calls by the people of Burma to the international community to help them to be free from atrocities have grown much louder.
Over the last few months, USCB members worked together with the band, U2 led by Bono, and organized their fans to sign onto this petition, calling for the United States government to take leadership in organizing other nations to support an UN Commission of Inquiry in Burma, during U2 concerts in several cities in the United States this summer.
“Justice is a crucial part of national reconciliation in any country. Burma cannot move forward until these attacks stop and the rule of law is realized. Four years ago peaceful monks were massacred, and yet the perpetrators of these atrocities have never been held accountable. How long will the Obama administration wait before taking real action to help find justice?” said Aung Din, Executive Director of U.S. Campaign for Burma. Aung Din personally hand delivered the petitions to Ambassador Stephen Rapp, U.S. Ambassador-At-Large for the Office of War Crime Issues at the State Department today.
The U.S. Campaign for Burma is a Washington, DC-based leading coalition of Burmese activists in exile and American human rights campaigners working to promote freedom, justice and democracy and to end crimes against humanity and the culture of impunity in the Southeast Asian country of Burma.
Photo Attached: U.S. Campaign for Burma Executive Director Aung Din with U.S. Ambassador Stephen Rapp
Read the letter to Ambassador Rapp here.
Credit : USCB
By Zin Linn>>
When the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) did not support the Myitsone Dam project in Burma, the military-backed President Thein Sein government launched a major offensive, recently targeting the KIA’s Brigade 4 which occupied a key position near the Sino-Burma border.
After a new military conflict started between the Burmese army and the KIA in June in Kachin State, the KIA post along the Myitkyina-Kambaiti route banned trucks loaded with construction materials and equipment, according to truck drivers on that road. The KIA also damaged key bridges on the road using mines. Part of the Stilwell Road (also called Ledo) was reconstructed in 2006 at a cost of 97 million Yuan (US$15.2 million) by Chinese companies from Yunnan province.
The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) has waged revolutionary war for self-determination, including having more power over natural resources in Kachin State. Since June 9, skirmishing has escalated between the KIA and government troops.
The warfare is related to the outsized developmental dam projects on the Irrawaddy River being built by China.
Construction continues on a $3.6 billion hydropower dam project on the Irrawaddy River in the face of widespread objections from many environmentalists and social activists, including several celebrities.
The Myitsone Dam, a joint effort by Burma’s previous military regime and the China Power Investment Corp., is estimated to generate 6,000 megawatts of electricity and 90 percent of the output to be exported to China. Under an agreement signed by Chinese and Burmese officials, CPI will receive 70 percent of the project’s profits. CPI has a plan to build and manage six additional dams on the Irrawaddy and its tributaries.
Most analysts believe that Burma Army’s new military maneuver in Kachin State aims to protect the Chinese benefits than the Kachin people’s basic rights. The Burma Army has launched a storm-offensive using more than 1,000 soldiers against the KIA’s Brigade 4, based in Northern Shan State, quoting local witnesses Kachin News Group said Saturday.
According to KIA brigade officers, the battle is continuing at Huphet, Manje, Mung Hkawm, Bang Hpik and Dima. Government troops are firing mortars into the villages in the fighting area.
Burma Army’s Bureau of Special Operations-2 (BSO-2), Lt-Gen Aung Than Htut is the commander of the offensive, KIA officers said. KIA’s Battalion 2, Battalion 8 and Battalion 9 are resisting the government’s offensive by two Light Infantry Divisions, LID No. 88 and No. 99, which consist of 18 battalions. Magway-based LID No. 88 and Meiktila-based LID No. 99 launched the offensive early Saturday morning. Burmese troops mainly fired mortar rounds at the KIA post in Loi Lem Bum in the evening, said a KIA Brigade officer.
The battle is the largest offensive against the KIA troops since the civil war started on June 9. Many Burmese soldiers were killed in action and more than 60 injured in the fighting, confirmed a KIA Brigade officer. The Burma Army’s storm-offensive aims to do away with the KIA’s Brigade 4 troops from the area where the oil and gas pipelines to China will cross in Northern Shan State, said the KIA officers.
According to local sources, civilians in the war zone are being told to leave their villages by the KIA. Thousands of local ethnic Kachin and Shan Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the war zone are fleeing to safe areas and the China border. However, China is strictly refusing entry to ethnic refugees (IDPs) from Burma who are seeking to cross its border, said local witnesses.
Over 100 Chinese People’s Liberation Army soldiers and over 80 Border Guard Force troops have jointly blocked Burmese IDPs from crossing into Chinese territory at the Chinese Manghai border gate, opposite Mongkoe, said Mongkoe residents. Chinese citizens in Mongkoe and other places in Shan State are allowed to return to their homeland, said witnesses.
Currently, over 20,000 Kachin IDPs are seeking shelter at the KIA headquarters at Laiza and other areas close to China. China is also blocking the delivery of food, emergency shelter and medicines from China for the Kachin IDPs, referring refugee aid groups, Kachin News Group said.
Now, there are some hot questions among the citizens. What is the objective of the Burma Army’s current large offensive against the KIO, and why have their peace talks been discontinued? Has the Thein Sein government an objective to colonize the Kachin State under China’s orders?
Credit : Zin Linn
ေမသၾကၤန္ဟိန္း(ျမစ္မခ)
စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၆၊ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕။
ဒီေန႕ နံနက္ကတည္းက အလွဴပြဲေတြ၊ အခမ္းအနားေတြ ရွိတာကို ၾကားရ သိရပါတယ္။ သတင္း ဂ်ာနယ္ ႏွစ္ေစာင္အတြက္ သတင္းေတြပို႕ေပးေနရလို႕ ရံုးကေန ထြက္ခြင္႕ရတဲ႕အခ်ိန္က ေန႕လည္ ၁၁ နာရီ ေက်ာ္ေနပါၿပီ။
ဆူးေလဘုရားအနီး၊ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ခန္းမ ေရွ႕ကို ေရာက္တဲ႕အခ်ိန္မွာ ေန႕လည္ ၁၂နာရီ ထိုးၿပီး ၁၅ မိနစ္ပါ။ ျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ခန္းမေရွ႕က ႕ မီဒီယာေကာ္နာေရွ႕မွာ က်မရဲ႕ သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြ၊ မိတ္ေဆြေတြကိုလည္း ကင္မရာ ကိုယ္စီနဲ႕ ေတြ႕ျမင္ရပါတယ္။
ျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ခန္းမေရွ႕မွာေတာ႕ ယူနီေဖာင္းအျပည္႕အစံု၀တ္ လံုထိန္းေတြကို တင္ထားတဲ႕ ကား ၆ စီးနဲ႕ ျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ခန္းမအနီးမွာ ေစာင္႕ေနတဲ႕ ရဲကား ၃ စီးကို ျမင္ေတြ႕ေနရပါတယ္။
ေန႕လည္ ၁နာရီ ထိုးၿပီး ၃ မိနစ္ေလာက္မွာပဲ မိုးစက္ေတြက ေ၀ါကနဲ႕ သြန္ခ်လိုက္ပါတယ္။ မိုးစက္ေတြနဲ႕အတူ အ၀ါေရာင္တီရွပ္အက်ီာၤေတြ ၀တ္ထားတဲ႕ အမ်ိဳးသားအမ်ိဳးသမီး အေယာက္ ၃၀ ေလာက္က ကားေတြ၊ လိုင္းကားေတြ၊ ရဲကားေတြကို ျဖတ္ၿပီး မဟာဗႏၶဳလပန္းျခံေရွ႕ကေန ဆူးေလ ဘုရားေပၚကို တက္သြားၾကပါေတာ႕တယ္။
အဲဒီအ၀ါေရာင္တီရွပ္ေတြ ေနာက္ကို ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ ရဲ ၂၀ ေလာက္က ေျပးလိုက္သြားၾကသလို၊ ကင္မရာကိုင္ သတင္းသမား ၃၀ ေလာက္နဲ႕ ၊ အရပ္၀တ္ထားတဲ႕ ရဲ ၂၀ ေလာက္ကလည္း အေျပးအလႊား ေျပးလိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။
ဆူးေလဘုရားေပၚမွာေတာ႕ ဘုရားဖူးသူ နည္းနည္း လံုျခံဳေရးခ်ထားတဲ႕ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ရဲ၊ ရဲအရာရွိမ်ား၊ အရပ္၀တ္ရဲမ်ားမ်ားနဲ႕ သတင္းသမားေတြက၀ိုင္းၿပီး အ၀ါေရာင္လမ္းေလွ်ာက္လာၾကသူေတြ၊ ဆုေတာင္းေနၾကသူေတြကို ေမးျမန္းၾက၊ ဓါတ္ပံုရိုက္ၾကနဲ႕ပါပဲ။မိုးေတြကလည္း တေ၀ါေ၀ါရြာလုိ႕၊ သတင္းသမားေတြရဲ႕ တေယာက္တခြန္းေမသံေတြနဲ႕ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ ဓါတ္ပံုရိုက္ေနၾကသူေတြၾကားမွာအ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္သူေတြကေတာ႕ တည္တည္ျငိမ္ၿငိမ္ေအးေအးေဆးေဆးနဲ႕ပါပဲ။
`ဘာေၾကာင္႕ခုလို လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ဆုေတာင္းၾကတာပါလဲ`ဆိုတဲ႕ အေမးအဆံုးမွာ ပန္းေတြ ေပြ႕ထားတဲ႕ မ်က္ႏွာ ခ်ိဳခ်ိဳနဲ႕ အသက္ ၃၀ ေက်ာ္အရြယ္ အမ်ိဳးသားက ေလသံေအးေအးနဲ႕ပဲ ေျဖပါတယ္။
`၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အထိမ္းအမွတ္ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ပါ။ၿပီးေတာ႕ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ ရဲ႕ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြျဖစ္တဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရတဲ့သူေတြကို ရည္စူးၿပီး ေကာင္းမႈကုသိုလ္ လုပ္တာပါ။ အကၤ်ီ၀ါကို ၀တ္ဆင္ရျခင္းကလည္း ၂၀၀၇ ျဖစ္စဥ္ကိုပဲ ရည္ရြယ္ကိုယ္စားျပဳၿပီး ၀တ္ဆင္တာပါ။ ဒီအထိမ္းအမွတ္ပြဲမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံ ေနရသူေတြရဲ႕ မိသားစု၀င္ေတြ၊ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ႕ မိသားစု၀င္ေတြ၊ အဂၤါ၀တ္ျပဳ ဆုေတာင္းအဖြဲ႕က အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေတြပါပါတယ္” လို႕ သူက ေအးေဆးစြာပဲ ေျပာပါတယ္။
ခဏၾကာေတာ႕ ရဲအရာရွိၾကီးေတြက အ၀ါေ၇ာင္တီရွပ္၀တ္ေတြနဲ႕ စကားေတြ ေျပာဆိုၾကပါတယ္။မိုးစက္သံေတြနဲ႕ ရပ္ေနရာကေန ဘာေတြ ေျပာၾကသလဲဆို မၾကားရလိုက္ေပမဲ႕၊ ကမၻာေအးကေန ေရာက္လာမဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕ကို ေစာင္႕ေနတာကိုေတာ႕ ၾကားလိုက္ရပါတယ္။
က်န္တဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေတြကေတာ႕ မိုးေရေတြထဲမွာ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆးပဲ ထိုင္ေနၿပီး ဘုရား၀တ္ျပဳေနၾကတယ္။ သူတို႕ဟာ စိုးရြံ႕ေနပံုမရဘူး၊ ပ်ာယာလည္း ခတ္မေနၾကဘူး၊ ျပာယာခတ္ေနတဲ႕ သူေတြ ဟိုပံုရိုက္ ဒီပံုရိုက္နဲ႕ ကင္မရာ၊ ဗီဒီယို ကင္မရာ ကိုင္ထားၾကသူေတြ ၾကားမွာ အ၀ါေရာင္သူေတြကေတာ႕ ေအးေဆးစြာနဲ႕ ဘုရား၀တ္ျပဳေနၾကပါရဲ႕။
ကမၻာေအး ဘုရားမွာ ဆုေတာင္းတဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕ တဖြဲ႕ရွိေသးတယ္၊ သူတုိ႕နဲ႕လည္းဆူးေလမွာပဲ ဆံုဖို႕ ခ်ိန္းထားတယ္ဆိုတဲ႕ စကားေၾကာင္႕ မီဒီယာသမားေတြ ကမၻာေအး ဘုရားဘက္ကို ေရြ႕ဖို႕ ျပင္ၾကတယ္။
ဆူးေလနဲ႕ ကမၻာေအးဘုရား လူခြဲၿပီး ေနၾကမယ္ဆိုၿပီး မီဒီယာသမားေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္းတိုင္ပင္ၿပီး ကမၻာေအးဘက္ကို ေရြ႕ၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲမွာ က်မလည္းပါတာေပါ႕။
ကားငွားၿပီး ထြက္ခဲ႕ေပမဲ႕ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ေရာက္ေတာ႕ မိုးေရေတြက လမ္းေပၚတက္ၿပီး ကားဆက္သြားလို႕မရေတာ႕ဘူး၊ သိတယ္မဟုတ္လား၊ ရန္ကုန္မွာ မိုးရြာရင္ မိုးရြာလို႕ နာရီ၀က္မျပည္႕ခင္ လမ္းေတြေပၚေရေတြေရာက္လာတာ ကားေဘာ္ဒီေအာက္ပိုင္း ျမွဳပ္တယ္ေလ၊ အဲဒါနဲ႕ ဆူးေလဘက္ ျပန္လွည္႕လာေတာ႕ ဦးေထာင္ဘိုလမ္းထိပ္မွာ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ဘက္ကို လမ္းေလွ်ာက္လာတဲ႕ အ၀ါေရာင္အဖြဲ႕ကို ေတြ႕လုိက္ရပါတယ္။
အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္သူေပါင္း ၆၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္နဲ႕ ၄ ေယာက္တတြဲလမ္းေလွ်ာက္လာတဲ႕ သူေတြပါ။ အမ်ိဳးသမီးအမ်ိဳၚသားေတြနဲ႕ တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြေလွ်ာက္လာၾကတာပါပဲ။ မိုးေတြလည္း ကင္းစင္စျပဳလာၿပီ အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္သူေတြလည္း ရြဲရြဲစိုစိုနဲ႕ ေဘးနားကလိုက္ၾကည္႕သူေတြလည္း မိုးေရေတြ ရြဲစိုေနၾကပါတယ္။ ကားေပၚကေန လိုက္လာတဲ႕ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ ရဲအရာရွိေတြကေတာ႕ မပါဘူးေပါ႕ေနာ္။
လမ္းေလွ်ာက္သူေတြနဲ႕ သူတို႕နားေဘးနားမွာေတာ႕ အရပ္၀တ္နဲ႕ ရဲေတြပါ၊ သူတုိ႕မွာလည္း ကင္မရာေတြ နဲ႕ပါပဲ။ သတင္းေထာက္နဲ႕ စံုေထာက္ေတြလည္း မ်က္လံုးခ်င္း မၾကာခဏ စံုမိၾကပါရဲ႕။ အျမဲေတြ႕ေတြ႕ေနရတဲ႕ သူေတြမို ႕ သူတုိ႕ေတြကလည္း က်မတို႕ေတြကို မွတ္မိ၊ က်မတို႕သတင္းသမားေတြကလည္း သူတို႕ေတြကို မွတ္မိနဲ႕ပါ။လမ္းေလွ်ာက္သူေတြေနာက္ တေကာက္ေကာက္လုိက္ၾကရင္း ေရႊဂံုတိုင္မီးပိြဳင္႕မွာ ရပ္လိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။
ကမၻာေအး အဖြဲ႕က လူစုကြဲသြားၿပီ ဆူးေလကို ျပန္ၾကရေအာင္ဆိုလို႕ ေနာက္ေၾကာင္း ျပန္လွည္႕ၿပီး ထြက္လာေတာ႕ညေန ၃နာရီ ခြဲကာနီးပါပီ။
ဆူးေလမွာ ျပန္ဆံုၾကေတာ႕ ညေန၄နာရီပါ။ ဆူးေလမွာ သံလ်င္က လာတဲ႕အဖြဲ႕နဲ႕ ေဒၚေနာ္အုန္းလွတို႕အဖြဲ႕ ဆံုၾကၿပီး ဆုေတာင္းဖို႕ ျပင္ဆင္ၾကပါတယ္။
အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္စံုေတြနဲ႕ အ၀ါေရာင္ပန္းခက္ေတြကိုင္ၿပီး ညီညီထိုင္လို႕ ယဥ္ယဥ္ေက်းေက်း ရြတ္ဆို ဆုေတာင္းၾကတာပါ။
`ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားေၾကာင္႕ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္အသီးသမီးတြင္ ေထာင္က်အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား အျမန္ဆံုးျပန္လည္း လႊတ္ေျမာက္ပါေစ၊ နယ္စပ္ေဒသအသီးသီးတြင္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင္႕ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီး တရပ္လံုးျငိမ္းခ်မ္း သာယာေစ ရန္ အတြက္ တန္းတူညီမွ်တဲ႕ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ေတြ႕ဆံုရွင္းလင္းမႈမ်ားႏွင္႕ ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ပါေစ`ဆိုၿပီး ဆုေတာင္းၾကတယ္။
ဆုေတာင္းေနတဲ႕ သူတို႕ေတြရဲ႕ ဟန္ပန္နဲ႕ အမူအရာကလည္း ယဥ္ေက်းသိမ္ေမြ႕ပါတယ္။ေအာ္ဟစ္ျခင္း၊ ရုိငး္စိုင္းျခင္း စတဲ႕ဟန္ပန္မ်ိဳၚလံုး၀ မရွိၾကပါဘူး၊ သတင္းသမားမ်ား၊ အရပ္၀တ္ ရဲမ်ား၊ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ ရဲမ်ားႏွင္႕ အတူ လာေရာက္ၾကည္႕ရွႈၾကေသာ ျပည္သူလူထုမ်ားႏွင္႕ ဆူးေလဘုရား ေနာက္ဘက္မုဒ္ႏွင္႕ေျမာက္ဘက္မုဒ္ၾကားျပည္႕ညွပ္သြားေတာ႕တယ္။
`တိုငး္ျပည္ႏွင္႕ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီး အက်ိဳးႏွင္႕ ဆန္႕က်င္ေသာ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ စီမံေရးကိစၥ ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီးဆႏၵႏွင္႕ အညီ ျဖစ္ေပၚပါေစ`ဟု အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္သူ၅၀ ၀န္းက်င္ခန္႕က ဆုေတာင္းခဲ႕ၾကတယ္။
အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ႕ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား အျမန္ဆံုး လႊတ္ေျမာက္ေရး ဆိုတဲ႕ ဆႏၵအေပၚမွာ ျပည္သူလူထုတည္ရွိေနတဲ႕ ဆႏၵကို စည္းကမ္းရွိစြာ ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းစြာႏွင္႕ ဒီေန႕ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ႕ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးအေပၚကို ရွငး္ရွင္းလင္းလင္း ျမင္ျမင္သာသာနဲ႕ အားေပးေထာက္ခံလိုက္တဲ႕ သက္ေသျပခ်က္ကို ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ ျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္တဲ႕အတြက္ ဒီေန၇ာမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ ျပီးဆံုးေၾကာင္း အမ်ိဳးသားတဦးက ေၾကညာခဲ႕ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ႕ အ၀ါေရာင္ေတြ လူစု ခြဲလိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။ က်မတို႕ေတြလည္း ကင္မရာသိမ္းၿပီး ျပန္ဖုိ႕ျပင္ၾကပါၿပီ။
ညေနလူစုခြဲေတာ႕ ၄နာရီ ေက်ာ္ပါၿပီ။ မိုးေတြလည္း ကင္းစင္ပါၿပီ။ ေအာင္ျမင္တဲ႕အတြက္ ေက်နပ္ၾကသူေတြ၊ အဖမ္းအဆီးခံရသူ မရွိလို႕ စိတ္ေအးခ်မ္းၾကသူေတြနဲ႕ပါ။
ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ၄ ႏွစ္ျပည္႕အထိမ္းအမွတ္ ဆူးေလ ဆုေတာင္းပြဲကေတာ႕ မိုးေရေတြၾကားမွာပဲ ျပီးစီးခဲ႕ပါၿပီ။
က်မတို႕လို သတင္းသမားေတြကတာ႕ အေျပးအလႊားနဲ႕ ရံုးကို ျပန္ၿပီး စာေရးဖုိ႕ အသည္းအသန္ပါပဲ။ ဒၤီေန႕ ဆုေတာင္းပြဲ သတင္းကို ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမွာ ေဖာ္ျပခြင္႕ရမရ မေသခ်ာၾကေပမဲ႕ သတင္းသမားေတြက ေတာ႕ သတင္းျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ေဆာင္းပါးပါးျဖစ္ျဖစ္ေရးၾကမွာပါ။
ဘယ္မွာမွ ေဖာ္ျပခြင္႕မရခဲ႕ရင္လည္း ကိုယ္႕ facebook မွာကိုယ္တင္ၾကမယ္ဆိုတဲ႕က်မလို သတင္းသမားေတြလည္း ရွိေနၾကမွာပါ။
မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားအား ေလးစားခင္မင္လ်က္
ေမသၾကၤန္ဟိန္း
Credit : Dawnmanhon
ဆူးေလဘုရားေပၚမွာေတာ႕ ဘုရားဖူးသူ နည္းနည္း လံုျခံဳေရးခ်ထားတဲ႕ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ရဲ၊ ရဲအရာရွိမ်ား၊ အရပ္၀တ္ရဲမ်ားမ်ားနဲ႕ သတင္းသမားေတြက၀ိုင္းၿပီး အ၀ါေရာင္လမ္းေလွ်ာက္လာၾကသူေတြ၊ ဆုေတာင္းေနၾကသူေတြကို ေမးျမန္းၾက၊ ဓါတ္ပံုရိုက္ၾကနဲ႕ပါပဲ။မိုးေတြကလည္း တေ၀ါေ၀ါရြာလုိ႕၊ သတင္းသမားေတြရဲ႕ တေယာက္တခြန္းေမသံေတြနဲ႕ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ ဓါတ္ပံုရိုက္ေနၾကသူေတြၾကားမွာအ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္သူေတြကေတာ႕ တည္တည္ျငိမ္ၿငိမ္ေအးေအးေဆးေဆးနဲ႕ပါပဲ။
`ဘာေၾကာင္႕ခုလို လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ဆုေတာင္းၾကတာပါလဲ`ဆိုတဲ႕ အေမးအဆံုးမွာ ပန္းေတြ ေပြ႕ထားတဲ႕ မ်က္ႏွာ ခ်ိဳခ်ိဳနဲ႕ အသက္ ၃၀ ေက်ာ္အရြယ္ အမ်ိဳးသားက ေလသံေအးေအးနဲ႕ပဲ ေျဖပါတယ္။
`၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အထိမ္းအမွတ္ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ပါ။ၿပီးေတာ႕ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ ရဲ႕ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြျဖစ္တဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရတဲ့သူေတြကို ရည္စူးၿပီး ေကာင္းမႈကုသိုလ္ လုပ္တာပါ။ အကၤ်ီ၀ါကို ၀တ္ဆင္ရျခင္းကလည္း ၂၀၀၇ ျဖစ္စဥ္ကိုပဲ ရည္ရြယ္ကိုယ္စားျပဳၿပီး ၀တ္ဆင္တာပါ။ ဒီအထိမ္းအမွတ္ပြဲမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံ ေနရသူေတြရဲ႕ မိသားစု၀င္ေတြ၊ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ႕ မိသားစု၀င္ေတြ၊ အဂၤါ၀တ္ျပဳ ဆုေတာင္းအဖြဲ႕က အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေတြပါပါတယ္” လို႕ သူက ေအးေဆးစြာပဲ ေျပာပါတယ္။
ခဏၾကာေတာ႕ ရဲအရာရွိၾကီးေတြက အ၀ါေ၇ာင္တီရွပ္၀တ္ေတြနဲ႕ စကားေတြ ေျပာဆိုၾကပါတယ္။မိုးစက္သံေတြနဲ႕ ရပ္ေနရာကေန ဘာေတြ ေျပာၾကသလဲဆို မၾကားရလိုက္ေပမဲ႕၊ ကမၻာေအးကေန ေရာက္လာမဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕ကို ေစာင္႕ေနတာကိုေတာ႕ ၾကားလိုက္ရပါတယ္။
က်န္တဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေတြကေတာ႕ မိုးေရေတြထဲမွာ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆးပဲ ထိုင္ေနၿပီး ဘုရား၀တ္ျပဳေနၾကတယ္။ သူတို႕ဟာ စိုးရြံ႕ေနပံုမရဘူး၊ ပ်ာယာလည္း ခတ္မေနၾကဘူး၊ ျပာယာခတ္ေနတဲ႕ သူေတြ ဟိုပံုရိုက္ ဒီပံုရိုက္နဲ႕ ကင္မရာ၊ ဗီဒီယို ကင္မရာ ကိုင္ထားၾကသူေတြ ၾကားမွာ အ၀ါေရာင္သူေတြကေတာ႕ ေအးေဆးစြာနဲ႕ ဘုရား၀တ္ျပဳေနၾကပါရဲ႕။
ကမၻာေအး ဘုရားမွာ ဆုေတာင္းတဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕ တဖြဲ႕ရွိေသးတယ္၊ သူတုိ႕နဲ႕လည္းဆူးေလမွာပဲ ဆံုဖို႕ ခ်ိန္းထားတယ္ဆိုတဲ႕ စကားေၾကာင္႕ မီဒီယာသမားေတြ ကမၻာေအး ဘုရားဘက္ကို ေရြ႕ဖို႕ ျပင္ၾကတယ္။
ဆူးေလနဲ႕ ကမၻာေအးဘုရား လူခြဲၿပီး ေနၾကမယ္ဆိုၿပီး မီဒီယာသမားေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္းတိုင္ပင္ၿပီး ကမၻာေအးဘက္ကို ေရြ႕ၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲမွာ က်မလည္းပါတာေပါ႕။
ကားငွားၿပီး ထြက္ခဲ႕ေပမဲ႕ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ေရာက္ေတာ႕ မိုးေရေတြက လမ္းေပၚတက္ၿပီး ကားဆက္သြားလို႕မရေတာ႕ဘူး၊ သိတယ္မဟုတ္လား၊ ရန္ကုန္မွာ မိုးရြာရင္ မိုးရြာလို႕ နာရီ၀က္မျပည္႕ခင္ လမ္းေတြေပၚေရေတြေရာက္လာတာ ကားေဘာ္ဒီေအာက္ပိုင္း ျမွဳပ္တယ္ေလ၊ အဲဒါနဲ႕ ဆူးေလဘက္ ျပန္လွည္႕လာေတာ႕ ဦးေထာင္ဘိုလမ္းထိပ္မွာ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ဘက္ကို လမ္းေလွ်ာက္လာတဲ႕ အ၀ါေရာင္အဖြဲ႕ကို ေတြ႕လုိက္ရပါတယ္။
အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္သူေပါင္း ၆၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္နဲ႕ ၄ ေယာက္တတြဲလမ္းေလွ်ာက္လာတဲ႕ သူေတြပါ။ အမ်ိဳးသမီးအမ်ိဳၚသားေတြနဲ႕ တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြေလွ်ာက္လာၾကတာပါပဲ။ မိုးေတြလည္း ကင္းစင္စျပဳလာၿပီ အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္သူေတြလည္း ရြဲရြဲစိုစိုနဲ႕ ေဘးနားကလိုက္ၾကည္႕သူေတြလည္း မိုးေရေတြ ရြဲစိုေနၾကပါတယ္။ ကားေပၚကေန လိုက္လာတဲ႕ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ ရဲအရာရွိေတြကေတာ႕ မပါဘူးေပါ႕ေနာ္။
လမ္းေလွ်ာက္သူေတြနဲ႕ သူတို႕နားေဘးနားမွာေတာ႕ အရပ္၀တ္နဲ႕ ရဲေတြပါ၊ သူတုိ႕မွာလည္း ကင္မရာေတြ နဲ႕ပါပဲ။ သတင္းေထာက္နဲ႕ စံုေထာက္ေတြလည္း မ်က္လံုးခ်င္း မၾကာခဏ စံုမိၾကပါရဲ႕။ အျမဲေတြ႕ေတြ႕ေနရတဲ႕ သူေတြမို ႕ သူတုိ႕ေတြကလည္း က်မတို႕ေတြကို မွတ္မိ၊ က်မတို႕သတင္းသမားေတြကလည္း သူတို႕ေတြကို မွတ္မိနဲ႕ပါ။လမ္းေလွ်ာက္သူေတြေနာက္ တေကာက္ေကာက္လုိက္ၾကရင္း ေရႊဂံုတိုင္မီးပိြဳင္႕မွာ ရပ္လိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။
ကမၻာေအး အဖြဲ႕က လူစုကြဲသြားၿပီ ဆူးေလကို ျပန္ၾကရေအာင္ဆိုလို႕ ေနာက္ေၾကာင္း ျပန္လွည္႕ၿပီး ထြက္လာေတာ႕ညေန ၃နာရီ ခြဲကာနီးပါပီ။
ဆူးေလမွာ ျပန္ဆံုၾကေတာ႕ ညေန၄နာရီပါ။ ဆူးေလမွာ သံလ်င္က လာတဲ႕အဖြဲ႕နဲ႕ ေဒၚေနာ္အုန္းလွတို႕အဖြဲ႕ ဆံုၾကၿပီး ဆုေတာင္းဖို႕ ျပင္ဆင္ၾကပါတယ္။
အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္စံုေတြနဲ႕ အ၀ါေရာင္ပန္းခက္ေတြကိုင္ၿပီး ညီညီထိုင္လို႕ ယဥ္ယဥ္ေက်းေက်း ရြတ္ဆို ဆုေတာင္းၾကတာပါ။
`ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားေၾကာင္႕ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္အသီးသမီးတြင္ ေထာင္က်အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား အျမန္ဆံုးျပန္လည္း လႊတ္ေျမာက္ပါေစ၊ နယ္စပ္ေဒသအသီးသီးတြင္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင္႕ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီး တရပ္လံုးျငိမ္းခ်မ္း သာယာေစ ရန္ အတြက္ တန္းတူညီမွ်တဲ႕ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ေတြ႕ဆံုရွင္းလင္းမႈမ်ားႏွင္႕ ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ပါေစ`ဆိုၿပီး ဆုေတာင္းၾကတယ္။
ဆုေတာင္းေနတဲ႕ သူတို႕ေတြရဲ႕ ဟန္ပန္နဲ႕ အမူအရာကလည္း ယဥ္ေက်းသိမ္ေမြ႕ပါတယ္။ေအာ္ဟစ္ျခင္း၊ ရုိငး္စိုင္းျခင္း စတဲ႕ဟန္ပန္မ်ိဳၚလံုး၀ မရွိၾကပါဘူး၊ သတင္းသမားမ်ား၊ အရပ္၀တ္ ရဲမ်ား၊ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ ရဲမ်ားႏွင္႕ အတူ လာေရာက္ၾကည္႕ရွႈၾကေသာ ျပည္သူလူထုမ်ားႏွင္႕ ဆူးေလဘုရား ေနာက္ဘက္မုဒ္ႏွင္႕ေျမာက္ဘက္မုဒ္ၾကားျပည္႕ညွပ္သြားေတာ႕တယ္။
`တိုငး္ျပည္ႏွင္႕ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီး အက်ိဳးႏွင္႕ ဆန္႕က်င္ေသာ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ စီမံေရးကိစၥ ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီးဆႏၵႏွင္႕ အညီ ျဖစ္ေပၚပါေစ`ဟု အ၀ါေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္သူ၅၀ ၀န္းက်င္ခန္႕က ဆုေတာင္းခဲ႕ၾကတယ္။
အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ႕ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား အျမန္ဆံုး လႊတ္ေျမာက္ေရး ဆိုတဲ႕ ဆႏၵအေပၚမွာ ျပည္သူလူထုတည္ရွိေနတဲ႕ ဆႏၵကို စည္းကမ္းရွိစြာ ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းစြာႏွင္႕ ဒီေန႕ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ႕ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးအေပၚကို ရွငး္ရွင္းလင္းလင္း ျမင္ျမင္သာသာနဲ႕ အားေပးေထာက္ခံလိုက္တဲ႕ သက္ေသျပခ်က္ကို ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ ျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္တဲ႕အတြက္ ဒီေန၇ာမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ ျပီးဆံုးေၾကာင္း အမ်ိဳးသားတဦးက ေၾကညာခဲ႕ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ႕ အ၀ါေရာင္ေတြ လူစု ခြဲလိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။ က်မတို႕ေတြလည္း ကင္မရာသိမ္းၿပီး ျပန္ဖုိ႕ျပင္ၾကပါၿပီ။
ညေနလူစုခြဲေတာ႕ ၄နာရီ ေက်ာ္ပါၿပီ။ မိုးေတြလည္း ကင္းစင္ပါၿပီ။ ေအာင္ျမင္တဲ႕အတြက္ ေက်နပ္ၾကသူေတြ၊ အဖမ္းအဆီးခံရသူ မရွိလို႕ စိတ္ေအးခ်မ္းၾကသူေတြနဲ႕ပါ။
ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ၄ ႏွစ္ျပည္႕အထိမ္းအမွတ္ ဆူးေလ ဆုေတာင္းပြဲကေတာ႕ မိုးေရေတြၾကားမွာပဲ ျပီးစီးခဲ႕ပါၿပီ။
က်မတို႕လို သတင္းသမားေတြကတာ႕ အေျပးအလႊားနဲ႕ ရံုးကို ျပန္ၿပီး စာေရးဖုိ႕ အသည္းအသန္ပါပဲ။ ဒၤီေန႕ ဆုေတာင္းပြဲ သတင္းကို ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမွာ ေဖာ္ျပခြင္႕ရမရ မေသခ်ာၾကေပမဲ႕ သတင္းသမားေတြက ေတာ႕ သတင္းျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ေဆာင္းပါးပါးျဖစ္ျဖစ္ေရးၾကမွာပါ။
ဘယ္မွာမွ ေဖာ္ျပခြင္႕မရခဲ႕ရင္လည္း ကိုယ္႕ facebook မွာကိုယ္တင္ၾကမယ္ဆိုတဲ႕က်မလို သတင္းသမားေတြလည္း ရွိေနၾကမွာပါ။
မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားအား ေလးစားခင္မင္လ်က္
ေမသၾကၤန္ဟိန္း
Credit : Dawnmanhon
Photo: Contributor/IRIN
CHIANG MAI, 26 September 2011 (IRIN) - Human rights activists are reporting an increased incidence of rape against Kachin women in areas of recent military attacks by government forces in northern Myanmar.
In Kachin State alone, at least 18 cases of rape - sometimes aggravated with murder - were documented over an eight-day period in June by the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand (KWAT), following renewed fighting between government and Kachin forces.
In September to date, the number of reported rapes has risen to 37 in areas where government troops are active.
The attacks reportedly came within days of the government breaking the 17-year ceasefire with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) by attacking ethnic forces in central Kachin State on 9 June.
The rape survivors included two 15-year-old girls and a 50-year-old woman - who was murdered after her granddaughter was killed, according to the report.
"For many years, the civilian population has been oppressed. If they [Myanmar's military] suspect that the people are giving information to the KIO, well, sometimes they disappear. Everyone is very afraid to speak out," KWAT spokesperson Ah Noh said.
David Scott Mathieson, a researcher for Human Rights Watch, added: "The use of sexual violence is one of the most serious within a whole litany of abuses that include forced labour, torture and ill-treatment and extra-judicial execution."
More than 25,000 people are now believed displaced by fighting in Kachin alone.
Burmese generals insist they are attempting to bring security to the country by demanding that all Myanmar's armed ethnic groups come under a single Border Guard Force (BGF), controlled by the military.
But many analysts believe the real reason is to access and control areas containing multiple energy resources such as hydropower dam sites, set to be built to supply neighbouring China with electricity.
 Photo: Contributor/IRIN |
| A group of displaced Kachin women along the Burmese-Chinese border |
The past year has seen an escalation in fighting as the military has pushed further into Shan, Karen and Kachin areas, bordering China, Laos and Thailand.
Amnesty International's Benjamin Zawicki says the KWAT report is consistent with previous internal conflicts.
"During retaliatory strikes, they are often targeting civilians," explained the Thailand-based spokesman. "This was the nature of our report in 2008, Crimes Against Humanity in Eastern Myanmar."
"For us as a women's organization we also want to focus on violence against women, particularly state violence like rape as a weapon of war...," said Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN) spokesperson Jam Thong.
She contributed to the 2004 report License to Rape, detailing incidents of sexual violence involving 625 girls and women.
"It was committed with impunity by the military regime until today and it continues."
"We document what is happening in Shan state and our sister organization in Karen State. Even in the ceasefire areas of Mon and Chin State and now Kachin State," she said.
At least 12 rape cases have been documented during the Burmese army's offensive in northern Shan State since March, including a 12-year-old girl who was reportedly raped in front of her mother in July, according to the SWAN report.
Veteran Kachin general Je Naw La Zing, who maintains the "War Room" in the KIO capital of Laiza, is not surprised that the attacks have occurred.
"The Burmese soldiers rape the women and kill the villagers and all of this happens but they never report this to their commanders.... They never report to their own base because they think it's not important to let the commander know. They want to wipe out our ethnic group and force us to become Buddhists like them, speak like them and become one of them," he claimed.
While there is little evidence of any state-sponsored policy to support such an assertion, activists have little doubt such attacks are occurring. Moreover, few have been charged or convicted of such crimes by the government.
"Sexual assault is probably the most repulsive tactic that they use. It's the most serious," explains HRW's Mathieson. "These reports have been very well documented over a period of years in lots of areas by very credible groups. To dismiss the allegations would be criminal."
Credit :IRIN Asia
Subject: (wwbn) တကယ္အလုပ္လုပ္တဲ့၇ခုိင္ေတြကအစြန္းမေ၇ာက္ဘူး
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Received: Sunday, September 25, 2011, 10:11 PM
အြင္လိုင္းမိတ္ေဆြမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
တမ်ိဳးသားလံုးအတိုင္းအတာေဆာင္တဲ့issueေတြတက္လာတိုင္းကုလားဗမာ၇ခိုင္-၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာဘာသာေ၇းလူမ်ိုးေ၇းျပသနာေတြက အြန္လိုင္းေပၚေ၇ာက္ေ၇ာက္လာတယ္။
အခုလည္းျကည့္။ ျမစ္ဆံုျပသနာဒီမိုကေ၇စီေ၇းအမ်ိုးသားတန္းတူေ၇းျပသနာေတြေ၇ခ်ိန္ျမင့္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာျပသနာေတြကေပၚလာျပန္ျပီ။
၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာတကယ္၇ွိမ၇ွိ ႏိုင္ငံသား၇သင့္မ၇သင့္ကိစၥမျငင္းလိုဒါေပမယ့္စစ္အစိုး၇မျပုတ္မခ်င္းကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔အေနနဲ႔ဘာမွလုပ္ႏိုင္တာမ၇ွိဘူးဆိုတာသေဘာေပါက္ျကပါ။
ေနာက္တခုထပ္ေျပာခ်င္တယ္။
၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို၇ွိမ၇ွိ
ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္သင့္မသင့္ကိုေျပာေနျကတဲ့ ၇ခုိင္ေတြဗမာေတြ ၇ခုိင္နိုင္ငံေ၇းကို
ဘယ္ေလာက္ေလ့လာထားျကျပီလဲ။
၇ခုိင္အမ်ိုးသားေ၇းအတြက္ဘာေတြလုပ္ခဲ့ျကေပးဆပ္ခဲ့ျကျပီးျပီလဲလို႔ေမးခ်င္တယ္။တကယ္လုပ္ခဲ့ျက
ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္သင့္မသင့္ကိုေျပာေနျကတဲ့ ၇ခုိင္ေတြဗမာေတြ ၇ခုိင္နိုင္ငံေ၇းကို
ဘယ္ေလာက္ေလ့လာထားျကျပီလဲ။
၇ခုိင္အမ်ိုးသားေ၇းအတြက္ဘာေတြလုပ္ခဲ့ျကေပးဆပ္ခဲ့ျကျပီးျပီလဲလို႔ေမးခ်င္တယ္။တကယ္လုပ္ခဲ့ျက
လုပ္ေနျကတဲ့တုိးတက္တဲ့အေတြးအေခၚ၇ွိတဲ့၇ခုိင္နိုင္ငံေ၇းေတာ္လွန္ေ၇းသမားေတြကခင္ဗ်ားတို႔လို
အေျခာက္တိုက္ေန၇င္း လူမ်ိုးေ၇းေသြးမျကီး ဘ၀င္မျမင့္ျကဘူး။ ၇ခုိင္ေတာ္လွန္ေ၇းမွာ
၇ခုိင္ျပည္လံုး၀လြတ္ေျမာက္ေ၇းအတြက္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနတဲ့ Alp ပါတီကိုယ္တိုင္က
၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို ၇ခိုင္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ိုးနြယ္စုတစ္ခုအေနနဲ႔ ၁၉၈၉ကတည္းကလက္ခံထားျပီးျဖစ္တယ္။
ကေန႔တက္ျကြတဲ့၇ခုိင္လူငယ္အင္အားစုေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ကိုဓူ၀ံ (NEED), ကိုေက်ာ္ခုိင္
(Arakan Oil Watch)၊ ကို၀င္းေအာင္ (Shwe Gas)တို႔လိုလူငယ္ေတြကလည္း ၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို
ဌာေနတိုင္း၇င္းသားတခုအေနနဲ႔လက္ခံျကတယ္။ အခ ၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို လက္မခံဘူးေျပာေနတဲ့လူေတြထဲမွာ ဒီလူေတြေလာက္ဒီမိုကေရစီေ၇း ၇ခုိင္အမ်ိုးသားေ၇းမွာတက္ျကြစြာပါ၀င္ဖူးတဲ့လူ၇ွိ၇င္ေျပာပါ။
အလုပ္မလုပ္ဘဲအေျပာမ်ားတဲ့ အစြန္းေ၇ာက္၇ခိုင္ (၇ခုိင္အေခၚ-က်ီးအာသီး၊ ဗမာအေခၚ-လူ႔ေပါက္ပန္း)ေတြေျကာင့္၇ခုိင္တမ်ုိးသားလံုးကိုအ၇ိုင္းအစိုင္းေတြလူမ်ိုးေ၇းအစြန္းေ၇ာက္ေတြလို့နိုင္ငံတကာက မျမင္ျကပါေစနဲ့။
အားလံုးကိုေလးစားလ်က္
ဖေလာင္းျဖူ
2011/9/25 Ng Ag <ngag@rocketmail.com>
> **
>
>
> အြန္လုိင္း မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား အားလုံးနွင့္ ကုိေက်ာ္ျမတ္ထူးသုိ႔
>
> အရင္ကေျပာတဲ့အတုိင္းပါဘဲ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ နဲ႔ စစ္ဗုိလ္ေတြ ဗုိလ္က်စုိးမုိးေနသေရြ႕
> ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ကုိယ့္အမ်ိဳးဘာသာ သာသနာကုိ ကုိယ္ကုိယ္တုိင္ တရားဥပေဒ ေဘာင္ထဲက
> ကာကြယ ္လုိ႔ရမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
>
> ကုိယ့္အမ်ိဳးဘာသာ သာသနာကုိ ကယ္တင္ကာကြယ္ခ်င္ရင္ေတာ့ စစ္အာဏာရွင္နဲ႕
> စစ္ဗုိလ္ေတြ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ေခါင္းမေထာင္နုိင္ေအာင္ အရင္ လုပ္ၾကပါ။
>
> မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား ၀ါဒျဖန္႕ခ်ီတာမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ဘဲ တေယာက္နွင့္တေယာက္ အျပန္အလွန္
> စာေရးသား မည္ဆုိပါက ကာယကံ၇ွင္ မ်ားထံသုိ႔ တဦးခ်င္းဆီ လိပ္မူျပီး
> စာျပန္ျခင္းေရးသား ျခင္းျပဳၾကပါလုိ႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံလုိပါတယ္
> (မည္သုိ႔လုပ္ရမည္မွန္းမသိပါက အကူအညီေပးနုိင္ပါတယ္)။ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ဘာသာေရး
> လူသားခ်င္းစိတ္၀မ္းကြဲေစမည့္ စာမ်ိဳးကုိ ဂရုေမးလ္ထဲသုိ႔ မပုိ႔ၾကပါနဲ႔ လုိ႔
> ေတာင္းပန္အပ္ပါတယ္။
>
> ကုိေက်ာ္ျမတ္ထူး ကုိ (ဒီရာဟူး ၈၈၈၈ ဂရုေမးလ္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတဦးအေနနွင့္) ေမတၱာ
> ရပ္ခံလုိသည္မွာ ဘာသာေရး လူမ်ိဳးေရး အစြန္းေရာက္ေသာ အီးေမးမ်ားကုိ ဂရုေမးထဲသုိ႔
> ျဖန္႕
> ေ၀ျခင္း မျပဳနုိင္ရန္ တားဆီးေပးေစလုိပါတယ္။ ကုိေက်ာ္ျမတ္ထူး အေနနွင့္လည္း
> ဤသုိ႔ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ဘာသာေရး ကုိတုိက္ခုိက္ ထိခုိက္ေသာ စာမ်ားအား လူအမ်ား ကုိ
> ဖတ္ရႈေစလုိမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးလုိ႔ထင္ပါတယ္။
>
> တကယ္လုိ႔မ်ား ရခုိ္င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားကေသာ္၎ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ မ်ားကေသာ္၎ တဦးနွင့္တဦး
> တမ်ိဳးနွင့္ တမ်ိဳး အတူယွဥ္တြဲ၍ ေန၍မျဖစ္ပါဟု ဆုိၾကလ်င္ အင္တာနက္
> အီးေမးလ္မ်ားျဖင့္
> ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ီျခင္းမ်ိဳးမလုပ္ဘဲ ရခုိင္မ်ား ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ မေတြ႔ေတြ႔ေအာင္
> ရွာျပီး ေဆြစဥ္မ်ိဳးဆက္ မက်န္ေအာင္ သတ္ျဖတ္သုတ္သင္ၾကပါ။ အဲဒီလုိမဟုတ္ဘဲ
> ဂရုေမးလ္ထဲကုိ ဆက္ျပီး ေသြးခြဲစာမ်ား ဆက္ျဖန္႔ေနၾကမည္ဆုိရင္
> ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔အားလုံးကုိ ေသြးေၾကာင္တဲ႔ ၾကီးေၾကာင္ၾကာေပါ ၾကီးမ်ားလုိ႔ဘဲ သတ္မွတ္
> လုိက္ပါမည္ ဆုိသည္႔အေၾကာင္း။
>
> သတၱ၀ါအားလုံးကုိ ကုိယ္စိတ္နွစ္ျဖာ က်မၼာခ်မ္းသာေစ လုိသျဖင့္
>
> ေအာင္နုိင္ေအာင္
၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို ၇ခိုင္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ိုးနြယ္စုတစ္ခုအေနနဲ႔ ၁၉၈၉ကတည္းကလက္ခံထားျပီးျဖစ္တယ္။
ကေန႔တက္ျကြတဲ့၇ခုိင္လူငယ္အင္အားစုေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ကိုဓူ၀ံ (NEED), ကိုေက်ာ္ခုိင္
(Arakan Oil Watch)၊ ကို၀င္းေအာင္ (Shwe Gas)တို႔လိုလူငယ္ေတြကလည္း ၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို
ဌာေနတိုင္း၇င္းသားတခုအေနနဲ႔လက္ခံျကတယ္။ အခ ၇ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို လက္မခံဘူးေျပာေနတဲ့လူေတြထဲမွာ ဒီလူေတြေလာက္ဒီမိုကေရစီေ၇း ၇ခုိင္အမ်ိုးသားေ၇းမွာတက္ျကြစြာပါ၀င္ဖူးတဲ့လူ၇ွိ၇င္ေျပာပါ။
အလုပ္မလုပ္ဘဲအေျပာမ်ားတဲ့ အစြန္းေ၇ာက္၇ခိုင္ (၇ခုိင္အေခၚ-က်ီးအာသီး၊ ဗမာအေခၚ-လူ႔ေပါက္ပန္း)ေတြေျကာင့္၇ခုိင္တမ်ုိးသားလံုးကိုအ၇ိုင္းအစိုင္းေတြလူမ်ိုးေ၇းအစြန္းေ၇ာက္ေတြလို့နိုင္ငံတကာက မျမင္ျကပါေစနဲ့။
အားလံုးကိုေလးစားလ်က္
ဖေလာင္းျဖူ
2011/9/25 Ng Ag <ngag@rocketmail.com>
> **
>
>
> အြန္လုိင္း မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား အားလုံးနွင့္ ကုိေက်ာ္ျမတ္ထူးသုိ႔
>
> အရင္ကေျပာတဲ့အတုိင္းပါဘဲ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ နဲ႔ စစ္ဗုိလ္ေတြ ဗုိလ္က်စုိးမုိးေနသေရြ႕
> ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ကုိယ့္အမ်ိဳးဘာသာ သာသနာကုိ ကုိယ္ကုိယ္တုိင္ တရားဥပေဒ ေဘာင္ထဲက
> ကာကြယ ္လုိ႔ရမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
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> ကုိယ့္အမ်ိဳးဘာသာ သာသနာကုိ ကယ္တင္ကာကြယ္ခ်င္ရင္ေတာ့ စစ္အာဏာရွင္နဲ႕
> စစ္ဗုိလ္ေတြ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ေခါင္းမေထာင္နုိင္ေအာင္ အရင္ လုပ္ၾကပါ။
>
> မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား ၀ါဒျဖန္႕ခ်ီတာမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ဘဲ တေယာက္နွင့္တေယာက္ အျပန္အလွန္
> စာေရးသား မည္ဆုိပါက ကာယကံ၇ွင္ မ်ားထံသုိ႔ တဦးခ်င္းဆီ လိပ္မူျပီး
> စာျပန္ျခင္းေရးသား ျခင္းျပဳၾကပါလုိ႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံလုိပါတယ္
> (မည္သုိ႔လုပ္ရမည္မွန္းမသိပါက အကူအညီေပးနုိင္ပါတယ္)။ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ဘာသာေရး
> လူသားခ်င္းစိတ္၀မ္းကြဲေစမည့္ စာမ်ိဳးကုိ ဂရုေမးလ္ထဲသုိ႔ မပုိ႔ၾကပါနဲ႔ လုိ႔
> ေတာင္းပန္အပ္ပါတယ္။
>
> ကုိေက်ာ္ျမတ္ထူး ကုိ (ဒီရာဟူး ၈၈၈၈ ဂရုေမးလ္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတဦးအေနနွင့္) ေမတၱာ
> ရပ္ခံလုိသည္မွာ ဘာသာေရး လူမ်ိဳးေရး အစြန္းေရာက္ေသာ အီးေမးမ်ားကုိ ဂရုေမးထဲသုိ႔
> ျဖန္႕
> ေ၀ျခင္း မျပဳနုိင္ရန္ တားဆီးေပးေစလုိပါတယ္။ ကုိေက်ာ္ျမတ္ထူး အေနနွင့္လည္း
> ဤသုိ႔ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ဘာသာေရး ကုိတုိက္ခုိက္ ထိခုိက္ေသာ စာမ်ားအား လူအမ်ား ကုိ
> ဖတ္ရႈေစလုိမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးလုိ႔ထင္ပါတယ္။
>
> တကယ္လုိ႔မ်ား ရခုိ္င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားကေသာ္၎ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ မ်ားကေသာ္၎ တဦးနွင့္တဦး
> တမ်ိဳးနွင့္ တမ်ိဳး အတူယွဥ္တြဲ၍ ေန၍မျဖစ္ပါဟု ဆုိၾကလ်င္ အင္တာနက္
> အီးေမးလ္မ်ားျဖင့္
> ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ီျခင္းမ်ိဳးမလုပ္ဘဲ ရခုိင္မ်ား ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ မေတြ႔ေတြ႔ေအာင္
> ရွာျပီး ေဆြစဥ္မ်ိဳးဆက္ မက်န္ေအာင္ သတ္ျဖတ္သုတ္သင္ၾကပါ။ အဲဒီလုိမဟုတ္ဘဲ
> ဂရုေမးလ္ထဲကုိ ဆက္ျပီး ေသြးခြဲစာမ်ား ဆက္ျဖန္႔ေနၾကမည္ဆုိရင္
> ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔အားလုံးကုိ ေသြးေၾကာင္တဲ႔ ၾကီးေၾကာင္ၾကာေပါ ၾကီးမ်ားလုိ႔ဘဲ သတ္မွတ္
> လုိက္ပါမည္ ဆုိသည္႔အေၾကာင္း။
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> သတၱ၀ါအားလုံးကုိ ကုိယ္စိတ္နွစ္ျဖာ က်မၼာခ်မ္းသာေစ လုိသျဖင့္
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> ေအာင္နုိင္ေအာင္
By Dr. Habib Siddiqui
September 25, 2011
2. Analysis: The Land and the Indigenous People of Arakan
To incite violence and bigotry against Rohingya Muslims of Arakan, Khin Maung Saw does not waste any time. He starts with a picture of a Muslim congregational prayer on the front page, followed by a photo of some soldiers (or possibly guerillas) sitting on the ground. The connotation is quite obvious.
However, such fear-mongering tactics will not succeed and would only lay bare the hideous character of their accusers, as it did in Norway. After all, of all the various communities that call Arakan their home, it is the Rakhine Maghs of Burma that have continued to practice violence; they want a ‘free’ Arakan away from the no less monstrous military brutes of Burma, while still purporting to retain its racist, non-democratic and fascist character that does not allow integration and multi-culture.
In his prologue Saw mentions the story of an ‘ungrateful’ camel that had dislodged its master from the tent. He does not duck the connotation by stating that the Rohingyas of Burma are like that camel in the story that are trying to dislodge the ‘owner’ of the tent. By ‘owner’, he obviously means his own race - the Rakhine Magh.
Fact is, however, opposed to this make-belief fictional story put forth by the chauvinist Rakhine: the Rohingyas are neither the guests of Arakan nor are they trying to dislodge anyone. Far from the false Rakhine propaganda of being the outsiders who had settled in Arakan during the British rule of Arakan -- a persistent theme in the propaganda materials of Aye Kyaw, Aye Chan, Khin Maung Saw and other ultra-chauvinist racists of Arakan -- the existence of the Rohingya in the soil of Arakan predates the Magh influx to the territory from Tibet and other parts of Burma.
As credible research work by unbiased historians and researchers have amply shown, these Rohingyas, derogatorily called the Kalas (by the racist Maghs of Arakan), are the descendants of the indigenous people of Arakan – the true Bhumiputras (adibashis) -- of the land.
Separated to the north by the high hills and deep forests of the Chin State and to the east by the almost insurmountable Arakan Yoma mountain range which divides the Arakan coastal area from the rest of Burma, the region came to be known as the land of the ‘Kala Mukh’ (Land of the ‘Black Faces’), inhabited by these dark brown-colored Indians who had much in common with the people (today’s Bangladeshis, or more particularly Chittagonians) living on the north-western side of the Naaf River, along the adjoining coastal areas of the Bay of Bengal. The resemblance was not limited to physical features like skin color, shape of head and nose alone, but also in shared culture and beliefs. They thrived on rice cultivation on the fertile planes and the abundant supply of fish in the nearby rivers, streams and the Bay of Bengal. The one-mile wide Naaf River was no barrier to sustain family and cultural ties between these sea-faring people living on either side of the river. Arakan’s northern part Mayu, as noted by Dr. Moshe Yegar, can be seen as ‘an almost direct continuation of eastern Bengal’ [Bangladesh].
The Arakan Mountain range also served as a barrier inhibiting Burmese invasions, and allowing Arakan to develop as a separate political entity. As also concurred by all historians the influx of the Sino-Tibetans (with Mongoloid features) in Arakan, resembling today’s Rakhine stock, did not happen until after the collapse of the Vaisali kingdom in the 10th century CE.
What happened to the region in the centuries before and after this invasion? As evidenced by numerous archeological finds, it is obvious that the Hindu colonists, fuelled by their need for trade and commerce, gold and silver, first colonized the region in the early 1st century CE. According to Dr. Emil Forchhammer, a Swiss Professor of Pali at Rangoon College, and Superintendent of the newly founded Archaeological Survey (1881): “The earliest dawn of the history of Arakan reveals the base of the hills, which divide the lowest courses of the Kaladan and Lemro rivers, inhabited by sojourners from India… Their subjects are divided into the four castes of the older Hindu communities…”
By the 3rd century (CE), the coastal region of Kala Mukh (Arakan) had been settled with the colonists dominating and coexisting warily with the indigenous people. In the sites of major habitation Sanskrit became the written language of the ruling class, and the religious beliefs were those prevalent at that time in south-Asia (or Indian sub-continent). The Hindu kings that ruled the coastal territories of Chittagong also ruled the crescent of Arakan. Presumably, the indigenous people of Arakan, much like their brothers and sisters living to the north-west of the Naaf River in (today’s) Chittagong, practiced some loose form of Hinduism.
The second phase of Indianization of Arakan occurred between the 4th and the 6th century CE, by which time the colonists had established their kingdom, and named their capital Vaishali. As a port city, Vaishali was in contact with Samatat (the planes of lower Bangladesh) and other parts of India and Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Historically, these early rulers came to be known as the Chandras and controlled the territories as far north as Chittagong.
The Anand Chandra Inscription, which contains 65 verses (71 and a half lines) and now sited at the Shitthaung pagoda, provides some information about these early rulers. Interestingly, neither the name of the kingdom or the two premier cities – Dhanyavati and Vaishali – is mentioned. This 11-foot high monolith, unique in entire Burma, has three of its four faces inscribed in a Nagari script, which is closely allied to those of Bengali and north-eastern India. As noted rightly by Noel Singer had it not been for Professor E.H. Johnston of Balliol College, Oxford, who translated the Sanskrit script and the Indian epigraphists before him, the contents of the Inscription which remained inaccessible for well over a thousand years would never have been known.
The script on the panel on the east face is believed by Johnston to be the oldest. According to Pamela Gutman it was similar to the type of script used in Bengal (Bangladesh) during the early 6th century CE. As to the panel on the north face, Johnston mentioned that several smaller inscriptions in Bengali characters had been added in the 10th century. Gutman however felt that the principal text in this section is of the mid-11th century CE. The panel on the west face, which is reasonably preserved, is believed by Gutman to be of the earlier part of the 8th century. This priceless document not only lists the personalities of each monarch but also some of the major events of every reign.
So who is this Ananda Chandra? In verse 64, it clearly says that he was a descendant of the Saiva-Andhra monarchs [presumably of Banga or Bangladesh] whose kingdom was located between the Godavari and Krishna Rivers of Bengal, and close to the Bay of Bengal. The founder of this new dynasty was Vajra Sakti who reigned circa 649-665 CE. His successor was Sri Dharma Vijaya, who reigned from circa 665-701. As noted by Singer, and much in contrast to Rakhine claims, Dharma Vijaya was not a Theravada Buddhist, but probably a Mahayanist. The next in line was Narendra Vijaya who reigned from circa 701 to 704 CE. The next to rule was Sri Dharma Chandra, who reigned from 704 to 720 CE. He was the father of Ananda Chandra who was a munificent patron of Mahayana Buddhism and Hindu institutions.
As can be clearly seen from the above brief review, the rulers that ruled Arakan, in centuries before the Sino-Tibetan invasion, were of Indian descent, as were the people (the so-called Kalas) who lived there. They had much in common with Banga, or today’s Bangladesh.
So what happened to those indigenous people after the invasion of Arakan in 957 CE by the Sino-Tibetan race? We have absolutely no historic evidence to suggest that they were exterminated. It is not difficult to understand that while the kingdom had changed hands, a majority of those indigenous people (the ‘Kalas’) continued on with their lives as usual, paying taxes (e.g., in grains) to their new rulers, as they had done before to the previous rulers. Some perhaps changed their faith to Buddhism, while many retained their ancestral religion. Theravada Buddhism, imported mostly from Sri Lanka, took centuries to take its root in Arakan, gradually replacing the Mahayanist Buddhism of the latter Vaisali rulers.
It is also important to note that many of the Sinhalese Buddhists, who later came as monks and settlers to Arakan, were the descendants of Bengali Buddhists who had fled the country as a result of internecine wars that took place between the forces of Hinduism and Buddhism in nearby Bengal in the centuries before Islam came to the region. As Buddhism was almost wiped out in Bengal by the Hindu rulers and the Brahmin clergy, it found a safe haven in Sri Lanka where it flourished. And who would have thought that centuries later those Singhalese Buddhists (with a remarkable facial similarity with the people of Bengal), the progenies of fleeing Buddhists from Bengal, would one day become the harbinger of the new faith - Theravada Buddhism -- in Arakan and rest of Burma?
While the previous Vaishali rulers looked westward, the newer Sino-Tibetan rulers looked eastward, thus allowing mixing of its race with Burman people of today’s Myanmar proper. Over the centuries, two communities emerged – one the indigenous with Indian (Bengali/Arakanese) features (the forefathers of today’s Rohingya Hindus and Muslims) and the other, the new-comer with Mongoloid features (the forefathers of today’s Rakhine Buddhists). It is not difficult to also conclude that in those days of porous borders across land and sea there were migration of other races and religions to this region. Buddhist monks, e.g., came from Sri Lanka bringing in their Theravada Buddhism, as did others, slowly changing the culture of the people living there.
It is simply regrettable to notice how today’s ultra-chauvinist Rakhine and Burman intelligentsia with tunnel-vision refuses to widen their knowledge of the ‘other’ people, Hindus and Muslims, who share the same territory. Anything Indian/Bengali/Chittagonian is usually looked down and frowned upon. It is pure racism at its worst.
[Dr Siddiqui’s book - The Forgotten Rohingya: Their Struggle for Human Rights in Burma – is available from Amazon.com]
To be continued.................
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